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Magazine|
Nov 05, 2007
US What Happened To Piyush? Indian Americans aren't enthused about Bobby Jindal's spectacular success ASHISH KUMAR SEN |
Why Indians Don't Like Bobby
*** When the Indian American Leadership Initiative (IALI) was founded in 2001 to encourage 'desis' of every political hue inthe hurly-burly of politics here, its members thought it was only natural to support the ambitions of Bobby Jindal, the wunderkid from Louisiana. But the backlash that followed caught some IALI members off guard: how could they support someone whose political convictions were sharply at odds with a majority in the community? Born and raised a Hindu in the conservative South, Jindal embraced Catholicism in college, displaying the fervour typical of born-again Christians. He hasn't changed—he favours a ban on abortion, supports the teaching of intelligent design as an alternative to the theory of evolution, opposes hate-crime laws and expanded stem-cell research, and espouses other hardline rightwing political views. The upsurge against Jindal prompted the IALI to rethink its mission. "There were many board members who were uncomfortable supporting him," recalls IALI president Jay Chaudhuri, adding that Jindal was a reason why the group became a Democratic organisation to better reflect the opinions of the community. Yet, when he was elected governor of Louisiana on October 20, the community largely hailed his election as a landmark in the history of the Indian diaspora in the US. But the community did not desist from saying it can't relate to his neo-conservative ideology. Anurag Varma, a Washington-based lobbyist with law firm Patton Boggs, describes Jindal's ideology as right of centre. "Anyone who is left of centre will have trouble with how far right his policies are," Varma contends. And since the community is predominantly Democratic, it means most Indians in the US have a complicated response to Jindal's success. The man, though, does play to the Indian gallery. For instance, in his victory speech, Jindal talked of his parents' struggle to achieve the American Dream. "The only barrier to success is your willingness to work hard and play by the rules," he intoned to a cheering crowd, packed with what one supporter described as Indian "uncles and aunties". Some of them were there not because they agreed with everything he stood for, but because he "is one of the family". "But Bobby is a conservative Republican, and most Indian Americans aren't, so there are a lot of mixed feelings about him," says Toby Chaudhuri, IALI spokesman. "It is hard to accept him when you scratch the surface. He has proved Indian Americans can achieve great things, but he doesn't represent our community." The ambivalence over Jindal was evident from comments posted on blogs including SepiaMutiny.com, which is devoted to the South Asian diaspora. Prof Amardeep Singh of Lehigh University, near Philadelphia, monitored responses to his post on Jindal's victory. Most people recognise its significance, but worry about the role of religion in Jindal's campaign, his name change, and his poor connect with the Black community in Louisiana. Only conservative Indians are enthusiastic about Jindal; the liberals are either apathetic or hostile. "If I was in Louisiana, I wouldn't vote for him," says Singh. "I disagree with him too strongly." Jindal's policies can elicit such responses.Chaudhuri says the governor-elect's economic policies should by and large appeal to the affluent. But his social policies, such as prayer in school, will be troubling to Indian Americans, many of whom are non-Christians. The scepticism is shared by Rajen Anand, a former US department of agriculture official, though he admits it is gratifying to find someone who "looks like us" get this far. "Personally, I don't agree with him on any issue," he says. Many of Louisiana's Indian Americans supported Jindal because of his ethnicity. "For us politics comes second," admits Anand, adding, "But when he's up for re-election, he'd have to run on his record. He has his work cut out." By most estimates, Louisiana is US's poorest state, one of the unhealthiest and least educated. It lacks basic infrastructure and hundreds of thousands of people are still displaced by Hurricane Katrina. It was the past state government's ineptitude in handling the havoc Katrina wrought that catapulted Jindal to the hot seat. Jindal's resume is impressive. He attended Oxford University as a Rhodes scholar, President George W. Bush appointed him assistant secretary in the department of health and human services, and he was later elected to the House of Representatives from his home state. Yet his critics describe him as a "manufactured candidate". He started life as Piyush but took the name Bobby from a character on the TV show The Brady Bunch. His conversion to Catholicism is just another example of what critics perceive as a shrewd move to further his political ambition. Joe Melookaran, former White House commissioner on Asian American and Pacific Islanders, admits that "being a Catholic made it a little easier" for Jindal. Kishan Putta, a Washington-based policy advisor, was active in the final days of Jindal's campaign. He first met Jindal in 1997. "He didn't speak like an ordinary 26-year-old," he says. Similarly, Bhishma K. Agnihotri, chancellor emeritus of Southern University Law Centre in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, knew that the youth he watched grow up was destined for big things. "Vote for him because he is one of us. This is family business," Agnihotri advised Indians on both sides of the political aisle. Toby Chaudhuri is sceptical. Every family has its black sheep, he jokes. But Joy Cherian, who was the first Asian American to be appointed commissioner at the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, insists "Bobby's political and religious philosophy don't make a difference". During his first unsuccessful gubernatorial run four years ago, Jindal tapped into the pocketbooks of Indian Americans. But they felt ignored when he was elected to Congress. "This is a real big issue—raising a significant chunk of money from people and then not listening to their concerns. That raises bad feelings," says Varma. He recalls that when Indian American doctors sought funding for diabetes research in the South Asian community, Jindal hesitated. He was also a late co-sponsor of the civilian nuclear deal. "He wasn't among the top supporters," says Varma, whose law firm is employed to ease the deal's passage through Congress. Jindal has never spoken about his Indian roots. Nor is he, predicts Singh, likely to suddenly become a spokesman for the community, nor become a significant player in India-US relations. From here in Washington, it seems inexplicable, even ridiculous, for the Indian media to be basking in Bobby's shine. |