Republic Of Bihar

Covering the state for the Hindi fort-nightly Maya as its bureau chief, Jhahas a vantage seat in the scheme of events. He has therefore seen how kidnapping is the multi-million rupee industry in Champaran; the mass killings in Belchi, Pipra, Dalelchak, Bihta and innumerable such unchartered places; the coal mafia operations in south Bihar; the vicious communal riots in Bhagalpur not witnessed since Noakhali; the dacoit-caste gangs in the Kaimur mountain ranges; and the rise of the extreme Left in regions where minimum wages exist only on departmental files. The book talks at length about the nexus which exists between politicians and district-level officials—especially the magistracy and police—which constitutes a crucial component of manning civil administration anywhere in the country. In Bihar, Jha points out, its dimensions assume different proportions.

So where did it all begin? While it is diffi-cult to arrive at a cutoff date, the trends were visible in the early years. In the '50s, the Aiyyar Commission examined 189 charges against six prominent politicians—K.B. Sahay, Satyendra Narain Singh, Mah-esh Prasad Sinha, Raghavendra Narain Singh, Ambika Sharan Singh and Ram Lakhan Singh Yadav, an important member of the Narasimha Rao Cabinet. The Aiyyar proposals never saw the light of the day. Similarly, the Madhokar Commission found serious charges against the then chief minister Mahamaya Prasad Sinha, which lie tombed somewhere in the Patna secretariat.

In the pattern of a free-flowing thriller, Jha, in the course of his narrative, profiles some of the deadliest killers in the state. With time, upper-caste killer gangs were replaced by powerful backward caste ones. By the turn of the '80s, proclaimed offenders decided that instead of doing the dirty job for politicians, it made sense to contest elections themselves—with no comebacks.

According to Jha, one fallout of shady legislators dominating the assembly is that it has practically stopped transacting any business. At times it has lasted for as little as 13 days and Jha quotes a former chairman of the legislative council of Bihar as saying: "The House does not transact any business. It is redundant. If the House is irrelevant what is the use of members? If both are redundant, where is democracy?''

The die had clearly been cast. What followed in the '80s and '90s are a natural corollary of the past sins. A chapter, which could provide some much needed inspiration to our Bollywood hacks, is devoted to the legendary battles between Anand Mohan and Pappu Yadav in Kosi's dreaded riverine belt. Both of them are now respected members of Parliament. Jha lists successive Cabinets of the state government—both Congress and non-Congress—filled with historysheeters. And policemen and administrators who connive openly. The book was written originally in Hindi, but given the topicality, was translated into English with events updated. A more thorough transliteration would have helped. But despite it, Jha's effort must be lauded for chronicling one of the truly desperate sagas of modern India.