The scope of CTBT:
Ghose told the CD that the basic prohibitions in the draft CTBT which define the scope remain "very narrow and do not fulfil the mandated requirement of a comprehensive ban". The Ramaker text says every country which becomes a party to this treaty "undertakes not to carry out any nuclear weapon test explosion or any other nuclear explosion, and to prohibit and prevent any such nuclear explosion at any place under its jurisdiction or control". India's objection, reiterated many times, is that the treaty bans only N-weapon test "explosions" or any other N-explosion. It wanted the word "explosion" dropped so that no N-test of any kind could be carried out. This would have brought under the ban's ambit non-explosive, subcritical or laboratory tests, including computer simulation. Hence, Ghose's statement to the CD that the draft CTBT IS only a "nuclear weapon test explosion ban treaty and not a comprehensive test ban treaty". The five N-powers—the US, UK, France, Russia and China—have repeatedly shot down India's demand for a time-bound disarmament clause. Said Ghose: "How can we escape the conclusion that the nuclear weapon states are determined to continue to rely on nuclear weapons for their security and visualise the CTBT not as a serious disarmament measure but merely as an instrument against horizontal proliferation?"
Horizontal proliferation, the bugbear of the West, refers to the spread of N-arms to more countries whereas vertical proliferation means technological improvement of weapons with N-powers. By not banning non-explosive testing, Jasjit Singh says, the CTBT sets a framework for a new qualitative arms race. "That's why France con-ducted a series of tests, China continues to do so and the US has agreed to provide France with technological assistance to sustain better arsenals." The US has such an arrangement with the UK too and had offered simulation technology to China in '94.Says Pande: "India wanted a universally verifiable, comprehensive, non-discriminatory treaty, which the CTBT isn't."
Linkage with time-bound N-disarmament: This has become an article of faith with the Indian establishment. India had tried to introduce various amendments to the treaty's preamble and other articles to get this included. However, right from the outset it was clear that none of the N-powers were going to commit themselves to this. In the world of realpolitik, no N-power wants to give up its weapons, which are not only a source of security but also a source of power. Says Michael Krepon of the Stimson Centre, Washington: "Nuclear weapons are like a drug they (the nuclear powers) have been taking for fifty years. It will be difficult for them to get off it easily".