NBA and Medha Patkar have shown exemplary resolve to stay non-violent for so long. Ordinary people lack such courage. With literally no redressal mechanism for the victims of development, charting a violent course becomes an easy route to vent anger
Medha Patkar’s relentless crusade may precipitate into setting up of yetanother commission to examine the rehabilitation discrepancies in thecontroversial Narmada valley; however, it would be illusive for the governmentto believe that the issue has been resolved. The Prime Minister will beill-advised into thinking so, as the core issue has been of subvertingnon-violent movements, of supporting anti-people projects and of unleashingviolence of the state.
From the killings in Kalinganagar to repressive firing on Gangavaram port,suppression of people’s legitimate rights over their environment, their land,their waters and their forests, has become commonplace. Be it the uprootedadivasis of Kashipur or the bulldozed slum dwellers in Mumbai, there is anintegral linkage between such movements that will prove costly if the state wereto continuously ignore people’s resentment.
It has already proven costly in over 150 districts in the country where smallcivic oppressions have taken a violent turn, earning the districts the dubiousdistinction of being `Naxal-affected’. Whereas part of this growing spread ofviolent armed action has been attributed to the perceived lack of fair andequitable justice to the poor, the state has been nevertheless perpetuatingviolence by unleashing police force.
It didn’t even leave the peaceful Narmada activists in the capital withouta scar: first moving the protestors from the entrance of the water resourcesministry and then forcibly taking the fasting activists to the hospital on thepretext of `saving their lives’. Paradoxically, the government didn’t uttera word on saving the lives of those who have been displaced and those who willbe submerged once the dam height is raised by another ten meters.
It is no surprise as the government that is buoyed by a 7-8 per cent growthrate promising greater foreign direct investments; and is ecstatic about theraging bull at the stock market indicating better health of the economy, caresless about the voiceless victims at the altar of development. However,widespread protests in the recent past have unveiled the best kept secret ofeconomics that development impoverishes large chunks of the silent majority.
Development projects have displaced an estimated 20 million people in thepast five decades in the country and with the Finance Minister having announced342 new sites for hydel projects and some 148 Special Economic Zones, millionsof people are likely to lose customary rights over land, water and forests fortheir survival and livelihoods. Clearly, there are conditions brewing for anupsurge in Naxalism across several states.
Acceleration of economic growth has created an urban middle class that hasbeen as much detached from the plight of the poor as the government. However,the government, the corporate world – and, indeed, the entire urban middleclass – should be under no illusion that one concerted attack from the victimsof development can spoil the party. Some infrastructure projects never took offthe ground in Bihar on account of mere threats.
The core argument in the ongoing tussle between `rights’ and profits’over natural resources relates to environmental governance. Should the state beallowed to exercise political prudence in locating projects that serve vestedinterests? Should corporation interests be given precedence over communityrights? The Maoist Central Committee has already told journalists that it willhit back at any such area domination exercises.
To evade the core issue, development protagonists including politicians andbureaucrats often take a counter position: would the government be considerateif those who would benefit from the project were to take to the streets likethose who have been displaced? Evidently, such positions are afterthoughts thatdo not account for the fact that the decision to have the project in the firstplace didn’t involve those whose plight is put forth as a plea.
No wonder, large projects continue to remain an epitome ofpolitician-bureaucrat-contractor nexus that take the unsuspecting masses forguaranteed. Rehabilitation has come to stay as a virtual industry thatperpetuates corruption at all levels. It doesn’t need a degree in economics toconfirm that the gains of large projects are always tipped in favour of thecapitalist forces, and those who lose the `free goods of nature’ become theultimate victims of development.
With literally no redressal mechanism for the victims of development inplace, charting a violent course becomes an easy route to vent anger anddesperation. Even in the case of recent peaceful Narmada protest, the PrimeMinister broke his deafening silence and the Water Resources Minister woke outof slumber only after Medha Patkar’s health had deteriorated. Ordinary peoplelack such resolve to stay non-violent for long.
Crucially, it is the government’s inaction that is driving the oppressed totake to arms. Should then the Naxals or Maoists be considered criminals? Theyfight for a legitimate cause and have a growing number of followers. Unlesspeople are engaged into clarifying their intentions in an open and transparentmanner, political decisions backed by corporate interests will continue tonurture violence. This is particularly important in India that has a heavydependence of people on natural resources for their livelihood. It is in theself interest of the privileged power-class to quickly mend the system beforepeople get compelled to break it.
Dr Sudhirendar Sharma is a development analyst at the Delhi-based theEcological Foundation