At the time when the government is at ignoring conducting the population census, a caste census may be too much to ask for; but it is not an unreasonable demand.
As India progresses, caste census may be one of the most significant steps towards fostering social justice and equitable development
At the time when the government is at ignoring conducting the population census, a caste census may be too much to ask for; but it is not an unreasonable demand.
The discussion on caste census gained momentum in 2021 when the Nitish Kumar-led Bihar government passed a resolution to conduct a caste census in the state. The census of India, in its initial rounds, had collected information on caste. The last comprehensive data on caste was collected in 1931. After independence, it stopped obtaining data on caste in detail. Caste-based information collection remained limited to Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Caste.
In 2011, however, the UPA government collected information on caste; but the report was not made public. The reason cited for not disclosing caste information was to protect national unity. But can we deny caste in the Indian societal structure simply by not counting it? In a country where caste plays a significant role in who marries whom, who will live where, and who will eat what on an everyday basis, does simply counting it negatively influence the social fabric?
While it’s true that a caste census may be used for political gain, and many claim the the appeal of conducting a caste census is identity politics, there are solid and valid reasons for holding it.
First, we cannot say that we won’t or shouldn’t conduct the caste census as it serves only a few political parties. This view contradicts itself. Since it serves the political parties, it also serves the people subscribing to the particular party.
India's caste system is dynamic, changing in response to urbanisation, migration, and other socioeconomic variables. A detailed account of the caste groups will give a clearer picture of their socio-economic status, occupational and social mobility, and other details that are helpful for policymakers in a country like India where there is a large affirmative action programme based on caste. The lack of detailed caste data complicates the assessment of how various caste groups are represented in different sectors.
The caste-based reservation and caste-based census are linked to each other. Because a person who supports caste-based census supports caste-based reservation, and vice versa. Many people (read the upper caste) are against the caste-based census because they simply hate the caste-based reservation system.
But it is ironical. Rather, they should be more vocal about caste-based enumeration. Because many of the government's benefits are based on the intersection of identities, for example, if a person belongs to the Scheduled caste or Scheduled Tribe caste group and household income is less than a certain amount, they will benefit from the scheme. The gap in caste data is making it difficult to implement reservations effectively.
A caste census would provide the necessary empirical data, ensuring that reservation policies are based on accurate and up-to-date information. On the other hand, people belonging to these caste groups should be afraid of the proposal of a caste-based census. One key aspect that we need to understand is that a census is not a mere counting of people. But it provides information on education, occupation, household belongings, and so on.
Again, there is a contradiction between the proposal of subclassifying caste groups and ignorance for the demand of a caste census. The government shows no intention to collect and disseminate information on caste but wants to subdivide the caste groups. In this context, it is important to understand that caste-based reservations have never been provided, keeping in consideration the economic parameters. It was put into place to help those from socially disadvantaged backgrounds move up the social ladder.
Now is the time to inquire about their mobility. Some may contend that things are better now. However, there are a lot of instances that contradict this. Even providing them with the highest positions has not improved their social status. One example can be cited from 2014, when Jitan Ram Manjhi, the then chief minister, visited a temple in Mahbubani district. The temple was cleaned, and the idols of the gods were washed after he left. This incident speaks volumes about the discrimination people face because of their caste identity. Even after holding the highest office in the state, he was treated as untouchable.
Current events highlight how caste is still relevant in India. One Dalit student in Uttar Pradesh, for example, experienced extreme discrimination in school in 2024, being separated from upper-caste students during mealtimes.
When Dalits tried to visit a temple in Tamil Nadu, violence broke out, injuring multiple people. In February 2023, Darshan Solanki, a Dalit student at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Bombay, committed suicide. According to reports, he may have died as a result of peers' caste-based discrimination against him. These instances are not unique; rather, they are a part of a larger trend of discrimination based on caste that continues in spite of legislative safeguards. They draw attention to the necessity of thorough data for the development of policies meant to counteract these disparities.
Conducting the census at the earliest possible time without any further delay is the need of the hour. Including a section in the general census that gathers information on caste would be advantageous. Though it may look extremely tough to do so, it is not impossible, for sure. It will cut the cost and expenses of a caste census separately. As India progresses, counting caste may be one of the most significant steps towards fostering social justice and equitable development. Ignoring caste in data collection can undermine efforts to achieve this goal.
The author is a research scholar at the International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, with a postgraduate degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
(Views expressed are personal)