The argument presented in the Press Conference addressed by the General Secretary on 21st June 2012, justifying support for Mr Mukherjee, was wholly misleading. It was said that the CPI (M) has always supported Congress nominees as Presidential candidates since 1991, despite being opposed to its economic policies (2002 was an exception since Mr Kalam was NDA backed candidate). What was not mentioned was that never before has a sitting Finance Minister of a Congress government (or any Union Minister for that matter) been nominated as a Presidential candidate since 1991. Shri Shankar Dayal Sharma or Shri K.R. Narayanan were sitting Vice-Presidents, when they were nominated as Presidential candidates. Shrimati Pratibha Patil was a sitting Governor.
Moreover, Shri Shankar Dayal Sharma was supported as President in 1992 because the joint nominee of the VP Singh led Janata Dal and the Left parties, Shri K.R. Narayanan, was accepted by the Congress leadership as the Vice-Presidential candidate. Shri Narayanan later went on to become President in 1997 with 95% of the votes in the electoral college defeating T.N. Seshan, who was backed only by the Shiv Sena (a good example of “widest acceptance”). Shrimati Pratibha Patil was supported by the Left as the Presidential candidate alongside the Left nominee Shri Hamid Ansari being supported by the Congress as the Vice-Presidential candidate. These prior instances simply do not compare with the current situation.
The CPI (M) and the Left parties are not only in the opposition today, but their strength in the electoral college is also at its lowest since 1991. The Left is not in a position to decisively influence the Presidential election results. The only obvious ground for supporting a Congress candidate from the point of view of secularism – that the communal BJP backed candidate will win if the Left does not support Congress – clearly does not exist today. The NDA camp is in a state of disarray and the BJP has been forced to support a candidate initially proposed by the BJD and AIADMK. What does the CPI (M) gain by supporting a Congress Presidential nominee in this backdrop?
In the absence of any explicit and coherent explanation so far, one can only make two guesses. If the consideration was that the strength of the CPI (M) and the Left is numerically too weak to field its own candidate against both the Congress and BJP backed candidates, then the natural choice should have been to abstain from the polls. That is the stand adopted by the CPI and the RSP and it is an eminently reasonable, transparent and principled position. While the electoral outcome would have remained unchanged anyway, the Left as a whole could have sent a clear message: that the Left is unitedly opposed to both the Congress and BJP backed candidates in the present political backdrop. For the CPI (M), this would have been in keeping with the political mandate of the 20th Congress.
Equating abstention with political irrelevance is logically fallacious, because relevance in the electoral college comes from the number of MPs and MLAs, which in turn comes from public support in general elections. In other words, the relevance of the CPI (M) or the Left parties is not really contingent upon whether the Left votes for this or that candidate. The issue is how to leverage the existent strength to convey the correct political message. And it is here that the CPI (M)’s stand of supporting the Congress candidate fails miserably, because neither is it based on any ostensible principle (secularism, progressive socio-economic policy platform, anti-imperialism etc.) nor any immediate political gain.
The other argument floating in the corporate media is that the CPI (M) and the Left is going to gain by supporting the Congress nominee because the Trinamul Congress (TMC) supremo is opposed to the former and this will help to “drive a wedge” between the Congress and the TMC in West Bengal to the Left’s advantage. Some overenthusiastic commentators have also opined that the prospects of the Congress nominee becoming the first Bengali President of India will inflict a heavy political cost on his opponents in West Bengal and pay rich dividends to his supporters. Such arguments, besides taking the political consciousness of the ordinary people of Bengal entirely for granted, are also reflective of naiveté and lack of common sense.
Repeated instances, from the 2010 KMC and other municipality polls to the 2012 municipality polls have shown that the TMC has been able to defeat the Left Front in most places even without Congress support. The theory of Congress cutting into TMC’s vote share by contesting independently is invalid in a majority of constituencies because the electoral polarization takes place between the Left and anti-Left forces, with the latter consolidating behind the TMC. Whenever Congress has contested independently (except for a handful of pockets), the TMC has gained at the expense of the Congress, marginalizing the latter. Moreover, any effort to stitch up a formal or informal electoral alliance with the Congress against the TMC in West Bengal today will be a tactical disaster for the Left Front, because that will turn large sections of traditional voters away from the Left. Such erosion of support has already happened after the Nandigram/Singur episodes and will further aggravate if the Left Front is seen to be making unprincipled deals with the Congress which is perceived by a large majority of the working people of Bengal as anti-people, corrupt and opportunistic. The Left’s cozying up to the Congress before the Lok Sabha elections will hand over the anti-Centre plank to the TMC on a platter and help in consolidating Mamata Banerjee's reactionary autocracy in Bengal.
As for MLAs and MPs from Bengal being obligated to support a Bengali for the Presidential post because of ‘public sentiment’, this sounds eerily similar to Shiv Sena or Amra Bangali kind of politics. Historically, the working people of Bengal have been wise enough to see through such gimmickries and ask what politics the Bengali in question stands for? That is why Mr Mukherjee could win his first election from West Bengal only in 2004 though being in active politics since the late 1960s.
Despite the laments of the bourgeois commentators, the fact remains that the West Bengal electorate continued to deliver handsome victories for the CPI (M) and the Left Front in election after election, even after Jyoti Basu was not made the Prime Minister in 1996. They started defeating the Left Front only from 2008 onwards (there were 3 Loksabha and 2 Assembly elections between 1996 and 2008 which the Left Front won convincingly), following Nandigram/Singur, which triggered the outburst of the accumulated discontent over the failings of the LF government and the myriad deviations of the Party. The short point is that class politics, land and livelihood issues and social justice remain central to the electorate in West Bengal, majority of whom are workers, small peasants and agricultural workers and a big section belonging to dalit, adivasi or Muslim backgrounds. Cheap parochialism and regional chauvinism remains to be a concern of the politically bankrupt and intellectually challenged.
The lack of any clear public reasoning by the Party leadership to explain its decision and widespread reports in the mainstream media have created the impression that the Party leadership was divided on regional/linguistic lines on this issue. This has considerably denigrated the image of the CPI (M) as an all-India Party with an emancipatory world view.
I Protest
I protest against the decision by the Polit Bureau to support the candidature of Mr Pranab Mukherjee, the Congress nominee for the Presidential elections. I consider this to be a grave error which will harm the Party and disturb Left unity. The Party leadership has committed one mistake after another since 2007— coercive land acquisition in West Bengal, the Nandigram police firing, allowing the UPA government to approach the IAEA with the nuclear deal, giving a call for a non-Congress secular government in 2009— and then accepted them in a cavalier manner in Party conferences without fixing proper responsibility and conducting rectification thereon. The same leadership is committing yet another costly mistake, refusing to learn anything from the past. Party members are aghast and exasperated that their concerns are falling on deaf ears. Therefore, with great pain and agony, I tender my resignation from the primary membership of the Party.