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Looking Ahead: Perspectives And Recommendations

"...by and large, Muslims rank somewhat above SCs/STs but below Hindu-OBCs, Other Minorities and Hindu-General (mostly upper castes)...". General and specific proposals recommended by the Sachar Committee

Sachar Committee Report

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FULL TEXT

Looking Ahead: Perspectives AndRecommendations

"....by and large, Muslims rank somewhat above SCs/STs but below Hindu-OBCs, Other Minorities and Hindu-General (mostly upper castes) in almost all indicators considered...

the policiesto deal with the relative deprivation of the Muslims in the country shouldsharply focus on inclusive development and 'mainstreaming' of the Communitywhile respecting diversity...." 


Chapter Twelve of Sachar Committee Report (

The
full report is available herein PDF format)

This report has probed the question of whetherdifferent socio-religious categories (SRCs) in India have had an equal chance toreap the benefits of development, with a focus on Muslims in India. It wasstated at the outset that minorities have to grapple with issues relating toidentity, security and equity. It was also recognized that these three sets ofissues are inter-related. But since the mandate of this Committee is primarilyon equity, the Report essentially deals with relative deprivation of Muslimsvis-à-vis other SRCs in various dimensions of development. It may also beuseful to recall the distinction made in the introductory chapter between issuesthat are common to all poor people and those that are specific to minorities,especially Muslims.

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Our analysis shows that while there isconsiderable variation in the conditions of Muslims across states, (and amongthe Muslims, those who identified themselves as OBCs and others), the Communityexhibits deficits and deprivation in practically all dimensions of development.In fact, by and large, Muslims rank somewhat above SCs/STs but below Hindu-OBCs,Other Minorities and Hindu-General (mostly upper castes) in almost allindicators considered. Among the states that have large Muslim populations, thesituation is particularly grave in the states of West Bengal, Bihar, UttarPradesh and Assam. Interestingly, despite such deficits, the Community has lowerinfant mortality rates and sex-ratios. In addition to the 'development deficit',the perception among Muslims that they are discriminated against and excluded iswidespread, which exacerbates the problem.

The Committee strongly suggests that the policiesto deal with the relative deprivation of the Muslims in the country shouldsharply focus on inclusive development and 'mainstreaming' of the Communitywhile respecting diversity. There is an urgent need to recognise diversity inresidential, work and educational spaces, apart from enhancing inclusion of thereally deprived SRCs in 'spaces' created by public programmes and policyinterventions. The need for equity and inclusion in a pluralistic society cannever be overemphasized. But the mechanisms to ensure equity and equality ofopportunity to bring about inclusion should be such that diversity is achievedand at the same time the perception of discrimination is eliminated. This isonly possible when the importance of Muslims as an intrinsic part of the diverseIndian social mosaic is squarely recognized.

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Given this context, the policy perspectives andrecommendations discussed below fall into two broad categories:

General policy initiatives/approaches thatcut across different aspects of socioeconomic and educational developmentanalysed in the Report; and

Specific policy measures that deal withparticular issues and/or dimensions (e.g., education, credit, etc.) covered inthe Report. Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community ofIndia

We discuss here a set of over-arching initiativesthat are of importance on their own and would also enhance the efficacy of morespecific instruments discussed later.

Availability of reliable data on a continuingbasis across SRCs on socio-economic conditions, participation in governmentprogrammes and the like is critical for designing appropriate policies, ensuringtransparency and effectively monitoring various initiatives and programmes. Inother words, availability of detailed data is a prerequisite for goodgovernance. Availability of such data would also make policy instruments likeRight to Information Act more efficacious. The Committee had faced the acuteproblem of non-availability of reliable data and, therefore, had to launch anindependent effort to collect, collate and, consolidate available data. The dataobtained through these mechanisms with considerable difficulty was still notexhaustive enough to analyse several issues to our satisfaction. There is animmediate need, therefore, to make arrangements to collect data for differentSRCs on a regular basis and make it available to researchers and the public.

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We recommend a creation of a National Data Bank (NDB)where all relevant data for various SRCs are maintained. All the data should beeventually computerized and made available on the Internet. The Census, theNational Accounts Statistics (NAS) and NSSO are the most important sources oflarge scale good quality data but they are not able to readily provide data oncrucial variables to assess the social, economic and educational conditionsaccording to SRCs. There is an urgent need, therefore, to assess afresh the dataneeds for evaluating conditions of citizens by SRC status on a regular basis soas to understand and assess the flow of development benefits. The NDB shouldalso be the repository of data on different beneficiary-oriented governmentprogrammes undertaken at the national and the state levels along with thedetails of beneficiaries drawn from different SRCs. Details of employment,credit flows, programme participation, etc. should also be shared by variousnational and state agencies and undertakings with the NDB. For this purpose, theNDB should have the resources and authority to access data from other agenciesidentified above as well as to obtain required information from governmentdepartments both at the Centre and the state levels. In fact, it should beobligatory on the part of the relevant departments of the Central and stategovernments to supply the information to the NDB. While the Central StatisticalCommission which has been set up recently could provide the broad framework, theNDB should function as an autonomous body.

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Once such data are available there is a need toinstitutionalize the mechanisms for assessment and monitoring in order tosuggest policy options on a timely basis. The Committee recommends the settingup of an autonomous Assessment and Monitoring Authority (AMA) to evaluate theextent of development benefits which accrue to different SRCs through variousprogrammes. Academics, professionals, civil society organizations alongwithstate authorities as the official members can be part of this Authority andperform a watch-dog function which closely monitors the participation of variousSRCs in both state and Central level programme implementation. As the governmentand public records are being digitized it would be possible for the AMA tomonitor 'diversity' in participation on a regular basis. The digitization willalso facilitate monitoring at all levels of governance particularly thepanchayats and nagar palikas, districts and of course the states and the Centre.While monitoring should be done on a concurrent basis, an elaborate monitoringexercise should be undertaken every five years. The results of this exercise canbe profitably utilized for reformulation of policies , if required.

The widespread perception of discrimination amongthe Muslim community needs to be addressed. There are hardly any empiricalstudies that establish discrimination.[1]. Research inthis area needs to be encouraged but is particularly difficult at the moment dueto non-availability of data. Hopefully, better availability of data would resultin more studies in this area. While equity in the implementation of programmesand better participation of the Community in the development process wouldgradually eliminate this perception of discrimination, there is a need tostrengthen the legal provisions to eliminate such cases.

The Indian Constitution in 'Part-III -Fundamental Rights' has exhaustively provided not only for equality of allcitizens irrespective of their religion but has also provided special provisionsfor protecting the rights of minorities in respect of their religion, languageand culture. Thus, any violation of the rights of the minority by the Statecould be challenged in a court of law. There are also institutions like NationalHuman Rights Commission (NHRC), National Commission for Minorities (NCM) to lookinto complaints made by the minorities with respect to the State action. But,these mechanisms can only have a limited role and cannot look into manycomplaints arising on a day-to-day basis against non-State agencies. Theminorities, many a time, may feel that there is discrimination against them inthe matter of employment, housing, for obtaining loans from the public orprivate sector banks, or opportunities for good schooling. It is self evidentthat if minorities have these perceptions, law must provide an effectivemechanism which should examine their complaints and be able to give effectiverelief. It is imperative that if the minorities have certain perceptions ofbeing aggrieved, all efforts should be made by the State to find a mechanism bywhich these complaints could be attended to expeditiously. This mechanism shouldoperate in a manner which gives full satisfaction to the minorities that anydenial of equal opportunities or bias or discrimination in dealing with them,either by public functionary or any private individual, will immediately beattended to and redress given. Such a mechanism should be accessible to allindividuals and institutions desirous to complain that they have received lessfavourable treatment from any employer or any person on the basis of his/her SRCbackground and gender.

It is wrong to assume that there is an inevitableconflict between the interests of majority and minority communities in thecountry. This is flawed reasoning and assumption. Deprivation, poverty anddiscrimination may exist among all SRCs although in different proportions. Butthe fact of belonging to a minority community has, it cannot be denied, anin-built sensitivity to discrimination. This sensitivity is natural and mayexist among religious minorities in any country. Recognizing this reality is notpandering to the minorities nor sniping at the majority. This recognition isonly an acceptance of reality. It is a well accepted maxim in law that not onlymust justice be done but it must appear to be done. It is in that context thatthe Committee recommends that an Equal Opportunity Commission (EOC) should beconstituted by the government to look into the grievances of the deprivedgroups. An example of such a policy tool is the UK Race Relations Act, 1976.While providing a redressal mechanism for different types of discrimination,this will give a further re-assurance to the minorities that any unfair actionagainst them will invite the vigilance of the law.

One reason for less than adequate participationin the development process may be due to inadequate participation in thegovernance structures. The Indian democracy provides opportunities forcommunities and groups of various social, economic and political orientations todemocratically get elected and participate in different levels of 'governance'beginning from the grass roots to the state and national level politicalstructures. Thus, democratic participation is possible for all communitieswithin the country at a number of levels - national, the states/ unionterritories and at the grassroots. The local self governments - panchayats andzilla parishads in rural areas, and municipalities and corporations in urbanareas - are crucial instruments in this context. Besides these institutions ofparliamentary democracy, there are a number of para-governmental institutionswhich run on the principles of electoral democracy and public representation.For example, a cooperative society established for the purpose of providingfinance for development in a locality can elect its own representatives fromamong its residents. In a society characterized by, considerable socio-culturalcomplexity, such as the one we have in India, democratic processes founded onuniversal adult franchise often fail to provide opportunities to ethnic,linguistic and religious minorities from getting elected and becoming part ofthe governance structure because of their low population shares. Over the lastsixty years minorities have scarcely occupied adequate public spaces. Theparticipation of Muslims in nearly all political spaces is low which can have anadverse impact on the Indian society and polity in the long run. Themarginalized either have inadequate numbers that comes in the way of makingtheir presence felt in the normal course of governance or they are notpolitically empowered. Given the power of numbers in a democratic polity, basedon universal franchise, minorities in India lack effective agency and politicalimportance. They do not have the necessary influence or the opportunity toeither change or even influence events which enables their meaningful and activeparticipation in development process. Therefore, there is a strong case to putmechanisms in place that enable them to engage in democratic processes atvarious levels of polity and governance. Mere material change will not bringabout the true empowerment of the minorities; they need to acquire and be giventhe required collective agency.

For increased participation it is imperative thatthere is a corresponding representation in governance structures. A carefullyconceived 'nomination' procedure can be worked out to increase the participationof minorities at the grass roots. Mechanisms should be put in place so that alarger number of minorities are indeed nominated so as to increase theirparticipation in public bodies. The Committee recommends that on the lines ofinitiatives taken by the Andhra Pradesh government, appropriate state level lawscan be enacted to ensure minority representation in local bodies (See Box 9.2 inChapter 9). Each state implementing this provision may need to recognize bothlinguistic and religious minorities. This effort on the part of the governmentto enhance diversity in the local governance structures leading to the visibleparticipation of minority communities would go a long way in building anatmosphere of trust and faith and will yield extraordinary results enablingIndia to be a vibrant democracy.

The Committee also recommends the elimination ofthe anomalies with respect to reserved constituencies under the delimitationschemes discussed in Chapter 2. A more rational delimitation procedure that doesnot reserve constituencies with high minority population shares for SCs willimprove the opportunity for the minorities, especially the Muslims, to contestand get elected to the Indian Parliament and the State Assemblies. Apart fromthese two initiatives it is important to evolve other methods to enhancepolitical participation of the Community.

There is an urgent need to enhance diversity inliving, educational and work spaces. A variety of initiatives may be requiredfor this purpose, some of which are discussed later in this chapter. Withincreasing ghettoisation and limited participation of certain SRCs in regularemployment and educational institutions, the spaces available for interactionamong SRCs have shrunk. Efforts are required to recreate and enhance suchspaces. Enhancement of diversity in different spaces should be seen as a largerpolicy objective. And in this context, while SRCs can be the core element fordefining diversity, in specific contexts (say employment and education), gendershould also be included. The challenge is to develop an index o diversity thatis transparent and easy to implement.

The idea of providing certain incentives to a'diversity index' should be explored. Admittedly, this is a complex propositionbut if a transparent and acceptable method to measure diversity can bedeveloped, a wide variety of incentives can be linked to this index so as toensure equal opportunity to all SRCs in the areas of education, government &private employment and housing. The diversity principle which entails equity isto be applied not only between the majority and minorities but also betweenminorities so that the truly disadvantaged can and should benefit. Given anacceptable diversity index, policies can provide for :

  • Incentives in the form of larger grants to those educational institutions that have higher diversity and are able to sustain it. These incentives can apply to both colleges and universities, both in the public and the private sector.
  • Incentives to private sector to encourage diversity in the work force. While such initiatives should be part of the corporate social responsibility, some affirmative action may help initiate this process.
  • Incentives to builders for housing complexes that have more 'diverse' resident populations to promote 'composite living spaces' of SRCs.

Most poor children do not have access to parks,libraries and even study spaces within their own houses. Such spaces can enhanceinteraction among SRCs and also provide the much needed fillip to educationalinitiatives; such spaces can be used by the community or civil society toorganize remedial classes, reading rooms and other constructive initiatives. TheState should encourage such initiatives in mixed localities and acrossneighbourhoods so that children belonging to different SRCs can interact and atthe same time pursue studies. These spaces can also be used for interaction andconstructive activities among adults of different SRCs. Such initiatives areessentially a domain of civil society but mechanisms to encourage suchactivities through provision of unused/vacant municipal premises/land etc. canbe quite useful.[2] Part of the funds earmarked for theJawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) can be used for thispurpose.

In order to respect and sustain diversity in thedevelopment and implementation of innovative programmes or in the provision ofservices, the relevant functionaries should be sensitive to the need to havediversity and the problems associated with social exclusion. It is important tosensitize state and other functionaries on these issues. A large scale programmefor sensitization of various staff members, especially those who come in publiccontact on a regular basis is desirable, with a focus on health personnel,teachers, police and other security personnel.

While the initiatives discussed in Section 2would provide a broad thrust to diversity, equity and inclusiveness, specificpolicy interventions in the areas of education, employment, credit etc. willalso be required to complement them. Two points need to be emphasized at theoutset. One, the policy measures suggested below and outlined above will have abetter impact if they are adopted together and not in a piecemeal manner. Two,there is a need to focus more sharply on issues relating to women in each of theinitiatives discussed in this section.

Access to education is critical for benefitingfrom emerging opportunities that are accompanied by economic growth. The reportbrings out clearly the educational deprivation experienced by the Muslimcommunity. From lower levels of enrollment to a sharp decline in participationin higher levels of education, the situation of Indian Muslims is indeed verydepressing as compared to most other SRCs; in fact their situation seems to haveworsened in relative terms. And the problem is more acute for girls/women.Reasons for this are varied - ranging from poverty to perceived discriminationresulting in alienating school environment. While the overall situation remainsbad, the enrolment rates of Muslims have picked up in recent years and thepolicies should help sustain the momentum that can get created through thischange. Our analysis also shows that the major problems lie in school education;the likelihood of Muslim children completing school education is significantlylower than other SRCs, except SCs/STs, once factors like household expenditure,place of residence, gender etc. are controlled for. Once the "hurdle"of school education is crossed, the differences across most SRCs in thelikelihood of completing graduate studies narrow down and are at times not verysignificant. Therefore, a sharper focus on school education is desirable.

Free and compulsory education up to the age of 14is the responsibility of the State. And the fulfillment of this obligation iscritical for the improvements in the educational conditions of Muslims, in fact,of all socio-economically deprived children. In addition, a sharper focus on afew areas listed below is desirable.

The school text book is one of the most enduringinfluences in the formative years of childhood. Along with the family, theschool teaches the child not only the three Rs but values and attitudes thatshape the child's character and create a sense of values. Given the influence ofthe text book, the Committee feels that it can work as an important instrumentof imparting social values. The text book should not only reflect reality butalso help in creating appropriate values. Since the children tend to read theirtext books several times, their familiarity with the text is significant andacts to reinforce the values being suggested in the text. If the texts do notreflect diversity or are derogatory with respect to specific communities, theycan alienate children of those communities from the wider society. Simple thingsin the text books can sow the seeds for religious intolerance, create caste biasand/or reduce sensitivity to gender differences, while the intent and purpose oftexts should be to do just the opposite. The Committee recommends that a processof evaluating the content of the school text books needs to be initiated topurge them of explicit and implicit content that may impart inappropriate socialvalues, especially religious intolerance.[3]

Muslims have the largest percentage share ofchildren in the age group of less than 10 years with 27 percent falling in thisrange as compared to the 23 per cent for the country as a whole. However, thecurrent enrollment and continuation rates at elementary level (though picking upin recent years) are the lowest for the Muslims. These facts make primaryeducation particularly important for the Community and the need to ensure thatall children in the age group 0-14 have access to free and high qualityeducation more urgent. In addition, the following initiatives are desirable:

  • Given the fact that a substantial proportion of households in urban settlements live in one- room accommodation it is absolutely necessary to create local community study centres for students so that they can spend a few hours to concentrate on their studies. This is an area in which the government, NGOs and the corporate sector can co-operate.
  • High quality Government schools should be set up in all areas of Muslim concentration.
  • Exclusive schools for girls should be set up, particularly for the 9-12 standards. This would facilitate higher participation of Muslim girls in school education. In co-education schools more women teachers need to be appointed.
  • Availability of primary education in one's mother tongue is constitutionally provided for. There is an urgent need to undertake appropriate mapping of Urdu speaking population and provide primary education in Urdu in areas where Urdu speaking population is concentrated.

Once again utilization of JNNURM funds for thispurposes should be explored

As noted in the chapter on education, majority ofMuslim girls and boys fail in their matriculation examinations or drop outbefore that. This group of children who have completed middle school but havenot managed to study further needs to be incorporated in different types oftechnical training. The skill demands in the manufacturing and service sectorsare changing continuously. And for many of these, highly educated/trainedpersons may not be required and youth with middle school education with adequatetechnical training may be appropriate for meeting these needs. However, almostall vocational training programmes run by the ITI's and polytechnics require amatriculation certificate. The Committee recommends that:

  • The pre-entry qualification for admission to ITIs should be reduced to Class VIII. The scope of ITI courses should be expanded to focus on emerging market needs including those of the retail sector.
  • Skill development initiatives of ITIs and polytechnics should focus on sectors which have high growth potential and in which the Muslim population is concentrated. These training initiatives should also focus on areas where the minority population concentrated.
  • The eligibility for such programmes should also be extended to the Madarsa educated children, as they are ineligible to get trained under many current formal technical education streams.

Our analysis has shown that there is a high"deficit" as far as Muslim population in the higher education isconcerned. And this "deficit" is higher than for all SRCs except SCs/STs.It has been already mentioned, that the best long term measure to correct thisdeficit is to increase school completion rates among the Muslims. In the mediumand short run, a two prong strategy can be employed:

Strategy No. 1: The University GrantsCommission (UGC) should be encouraged to evolve a system where part of theallocation to colleges and universities is linked to the diversity in thestudent population. Even private colleges, including those run by the minoritiesand which have affiliation with universities or are recognized by state bodiescan be provided additional funds if they have a diverse student population andcharge reasonable fees. As mentioned earlier, an appropriate diversity indexwill need to be developed for such purposes. It is advisable that the UGCundertakes a proactive exercise to sensitize the educational institutions withrespect to the need to reflect diversity on these campuses.

The Muslims of some states like Andhra Pradesh,Karnataka, Tamil Nadu have established a number of 'minority managedprofessional institutions' which have opened up avenues for higher education forMuslims and other minorities. They need to get encouragement as communityinitiatives but even these institutions need to have diverse populations.Government financial aid to these institutions can be linked to low tuition andother fees and partly to diversity of student population. These 'minorityinstitutions' are typically inaccessible to the poor from these communities. Lowfees combined with merit-cum-means scholarships (partly funded from theadditional government grants) would enhance participation of poor among theminorities.

Strategy No. 2: To facilitate admissionsto the 'most backward' amongst all the SRCs in the regular universities andautonomous colleges, alternate admission criteria need to be evolved. Thefollowing example provides a rating/grading sytem that can potentially be used(Statement 12.1):

Statement 12.1

Total Points   

100

  • Assessment of Merit to the maximum of  
60
  • Assessment of Backwardness to the maximum of
40

Backwardness to be defined as the sum of the following (Each with about one third weight)

(1) Household income (income criteria to be revised periodically)

 13

(2) Backward district (list to be updated on annual basis)/residence in a notified urban slum

13

(3) Backward class (assessed based on a combination of family occupation and caste)

14

This system should help the poor among allcommunities. As a complement to the first strategy, part of state funding canalso be linked to the use of such criteria in admissions by the educationalinstitutions. Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community ofIndia To facilitate admissions to the 'most backward' amongst all the SRCs inthe regular

Providing hostel facilities at reasonable costsfor students from minorities must be taken up on a priority basis. While this isrequired for all minority students, such facilities for girls in cities of allsizes are particularly desirable. The availability of such hostels would ensurethat many girls would continue schooling (beyond secondary/college education) asthey would not have to commute on a daily basis to access educationalinstitutions located at a distance form their place of residence. Hostels areequally important in the context of boys accessing college education. High rentsin cities are a deterrent for those from lower income households to accesshigher levels of education. Besides the high cost are other factors, likereluctance to accept Muslims as tenants, which make it difficult for them torent accommodation. Ideally, the provision of such facilities should be made inpartnership with the Community; the State can facilitate Community initiativesin this area through grants and other support. The taluka headquarters andeducational centers would be the best locations for such facilities.

Another possibility is to create boarding housesfor backward SRCs in taluka headquarters where large number of poor minority andother children can stay and study in local schools. This may reduce drop outrates and ensure retention in school up to higher secondary levels. Apart fromtaking the children out of the ghettos, such facilities would ensure that thebacklog of parental illiteracy will not negatively impact the performance ofthese children because of the 'learning friendly' atmosphere in these hostels.In fact, tutors can be provided for remedial classes in these boarding houses tosupplement and monitor their studies.

For both these initiatives allocations can bemade from the special funds earmarked by the Centre for the upliftment of theeducational status of educationally backward groups. Once again, participationof the Community should be encouraged. Muslim Wakfs should be encouraged toutilize their assets for this endeavour. In addition, donations from NGOs andmultilateral organizations can also be utilized.

Teacher training should compulsorily include inits curriculum components which introduce the importance of diversity/ pluralitywithin the country and sensitize teachers towards the needs and aspirations ofMuslims and other marginalized communities. The implementation of this should bemonitored by the National Council of Teacher Education (NCTE). The other issueis that of dearth of Muslim school teachers, especially women. Given the currenteducation levels, the possibility of more Muslims opting for B.Ed course islimited. But more Muslims may be able to participate as para teachers. An effortshould be made to enhance participation of Muslims in this cadre as an interimmeasure. There are only a few teachers who can teach in the Urdu medium. Giventhe commitment to provide primary education in the child's mother tongue, theState is required to run Urdu medium schools. This in turn would requireteachers capable of teaching in the Urdu medium. Preference to teachers who caninstruct through Urdu medium is desirable in all teacher training departments instates where Urdu speaking population is substantial.

While Urdu language is not a language of theMuslims alone, contemporary circumstances make it appear to be so. The languagehas been neglected. The fallout of this has been inadequate access to educationin the mother tongue for many Urdu speaking children. The neglect has alsoresulted in poor performance of Urdu medium school students because of poorinfrastructural facilities and absence of adequate number of qualified teachers.As mentioned above, given the constitutional responsibility of the State, it isimperative that Urdu language is supported to provide a regular stream of Urduteachers. Moreover, for secondary education the distortions made in the ThreeLanguage Formula should be corrected in order to accommodate Urdu in schools ofthe Hindi region. In addition, three more measures are desirable:

  • Often Urdu schools have teachers who have no knowledge of Urdu. This problem is partly compounded by the fact that posts of Urdu teachers are reserved for the SCs/STs and such candidates are not available. This anomaly needs to be corrected urgently.
  • High quality Urdu medium schools can be opened in those parts of the country wherever there is demand for them. However, it needs to ensured that good quality text books are available in Urdu language and the products of these schools are employable.
  • Urdu should be introduced as an optional subject in all government and government-aided schools in states having a substantial Urdu speaking population.

Madarsas have played an important role inproviding religious education to the Muslim population. They also provide'mainstream' education in many cases and several of them are in the process ofmodernizing their curriculum. While this is an important initiative of theCommunity to improve educational conditions, it is important to take note of thefact that less than 4 per cent of the Muslim children in the school going ageactually attend the full time regular Madarsas. Therefore, the modernizedMadarsas are unlikely to satisfy the educational demand of the Community and theState will have to make provision for mainstream schools in areas where suchschools are not available. In other words, Madarsas should not to be looked uponas alternatives to the regular school, but a complement. The following stepsseem desirable:

  • Work out mechanisms whereby Madarsas can be linked with a higher secondary school board so that students wanting to shift to a regular/mainstream education can do so after having passed from a Madarsa.
  • Provision of "equivalence" to Madarsa certificates/degrees for subsequent admissions into institutions of higher level of education. Flexibility should be introduced so as to enable Madarsa graduates to move across to regular mainstream education after graduating from these institutions, if they so wish. In other words the opportunity should be made available to them, especially in courses where admission is done through an entrance test/ competitive examination.
  • Recognition of the degrees from Madarsas for eligibility in competitive examinations such as the Civil Services, Banks, Defense Services and other such examinations. The idea is to facilitate a process whereby Madarsa graduates too have a choice and an incentive to participate in these employment streams. This should, however, remain within the existing framework of these competitive examinations.
  • In the 1990s government introduced a scheme for modernization of Madarsas. This was a step in the right direction but it was robbed of part of its utility because of some deficiencies relating for example to choice of subjects , quality of teachers, accommodation of the modern subjects in a time-table intensely packed with traditional subjects. Government will be well advised to review and revamp the scheme before embarking on its expansion.

The chapters on Bank Credit and GovernmentProgrammes have highlighted the fact that flow of credit to Muslims is quitelimited. While part of this could possibly be due to lower demand for credit dueto low income levels of the Community, low access to credit cannot be ignored.Lack of access to credit is a more serious problem for the Community as asignificantly larger proportion of workers are engaged in self-employment,especially home-based work. Therefore, nonavailability of credit can havefar-reaching implications for the socio-economic and educational status of theCommunity. Wherever comparative analysis between Muslims and other minoritieshas been carried out, it has been shown that the access of other minorities tocredit from banks and other programmes is far better than Muslims and they areat times the principal beneficiaries of some programmes wherever targeting hasbeen done. in some programmes where Muslims have received an adequate share ofcredit, the total flow of funds has been low. The chapter on Poverty has alsoshown higher presence of Muslims in 'persons below poverty line'. Keeping inmind these empirical facts, the following recommendations can be made:

  • Several complaints about the exclusion of Muslim concentrated areas from the activities of the banks have been reported to the Committee. To partly address at least this perception, a simple regulation on the lines of the one adopted by the government of United States, is desirable. All banks should be required to provide information to anyone who asks about the localities to which loans have been disbursed. If sharing information with the individuals can add significantly to the transaction costs, such information can be provided to the Reserve Bank of India, which in turn can provide this information to others under the Right to Information Act. The information regarding the SRC background of customers and clients should also be maintained by the banks and made available to the RBI. It is not required to provide information on individual accounts but aggregated across SRCs.
  • The Committee, therefore, recommends promoting and enhancing access to Muslims in Priority Sector Advances. Any shortfall in achievement of targeted amount in minority specific programmes should be parked with NMDFC, NABARD and SIDBI and specific programmes should be funded with this amount. However, the real need is of policy initiatives that improve the participation and share of the Minorities, particularly Muslims in the business of regular commercial banks. Since the size of the credit flows through regular banking channels is much higher than various community specific programmes, higher participation of minorities will result in larger gains to them.
  • Analysis of the Census of India 2001 results has indicated that banking facilities are inversely correlated to the proportion of the Muslim population in a village/locality. This issue should be addressed on a priority basis by providing incentives to banks to open more branches in Muslim concentration areas. Instead of reporting 'Amount Outstanding', the RBI periodic reports on Priority Sector Advances should contain data on 'Sanctions or Disbursements to Minorities' in the reporting period, along with the 'amount outstanding'. The modified reports on priority sector advances should also segregate figures furnished under 'Others' to reflect the deployment of funds by banks in institutions like NABARD and other financial institutions.
  • The Committee also recommends that the coverage under Public Programmes should be extended to include more schemes and should also include lending by NABARD and SIDBI. SIDBI should set aside a fund for training for minorities under its Entrepreneurial Development Programme. Such programmes should not only aim to improve skills of artisans in traditional occupations but also reequip them with modern skills required to face the adverse effects of globalization in their area of artisanship. Given the substantial presence of Muslims in these occupational groups special attention should be given to them.
  • While the available data is inadequate, there is a widespread perception that the participation of Muslims in the Self Help Groups (SHGs) and other micro-credit programmes is very limited.[4] A policy to enhance the participation of minorities in the micro-credit schemes of NABARD should be laid down. This policy should spell out the intervention required by NABARD through a mix of target and incentive schemes based on the population percentage of Muslims in the village in order to enhance the participation of Muslims in micro-credit. In any case, data on the participation of different SRCs in such schemes should be collected and shared with the RBI or the NDB. The implementation of such schemes may need to be tailored to specific situations.[5]
  • The detailed analysis of Muslim participation in government employment and other programmes has shown very limited participation in both. While no discrimination is being alleged, it may be desirable to have experts drawn from the Community on relevant interview panels and Boards. This practice is already in vogue in the case of SCs/STs.
  • There is a need to revise the coverage of districts under the Prime Minister's 15 Point Programme based on the Census 2001 data. The Committee recommends that all 58 districts with more than 25 % Muslim population should be brought under the 15 Point Programme. A special assistance package for the development of these districts should be launched. The same principle might be applied to units taluka/block with similar concentration of Muslims.
  • There should be transparency in information about minorities in all activities. It should be made mandatory to publish/furnish information in a prescribed format once in three months and also to post the same on the website of the departments and state governments. There should be provision for reporting default and delays in processing/rejection of application at the state/district/block levels. In line with the thrust towards greater transparency, applicants should also have full right to information about the status of their applications. The information regarding the application, and the processing stage should be made known to the applicant on request. This information should also be made available through the website and touch screens to the applicants. This is a far-reaching measure which will benefit, not only Muslims but all communities.
  • The review of Government programmes suggests that Muslims have not benefited much from them. At times the Muslims do not have adequate participation as beneficiaries; when participation is adequate, the total amounts allocated to the programme are too low to make any meaningful impact. The current formats in which the data are kept do not permit easy assessment of the benefits that have accrued to various SRCs. Detailed data should be collected regularly on the participation of different SRCs in government programmes, both at the state and the Central level. As suggested earlier such data should be made available to the NDB which will maintain it and make it available to users.
  • Last but not the least, although there are many Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) and Central Plan Schemes (CPS) available for the welfare of SCs, STs and OBCs, such schemes for the welfare of minorities are rare. Even the available schemes are inadequately funded. Overall, targeting backward districts and clusters where special artisanal groups exist, will ensure a sharp reduction in disparities of access and attainment. The Central Government should introduce a few schemes with large outlays for welfare of minorities with an equitable provision for Muslims.

The country is going through a high growth phase.This is the time to help the underprivileged to utilize new opportunitiesthrough skill development and education. A large segment of the Muslim communityis engaged in selfemployment activities. Besides, a significant proportion,especially women, is actually engaged in home-based work. While some of theseworkers are engaged in sectors that have experienced growth, many are engaged inoccupations/sectors that are stagnant. The policy intervention needs to helpworkers engaged in growth-oriented sectors to become part of the larger networkof market-oriented firms engaged in that sector. For those caught in thestagnant sectors, a transition path will have to be evolved. Skill up-gradation,education and credit availability, referred to earlier will have an importantrole in both these strategies. The other deficit is in regular employment as avery small proportion of Muslim workers are engaged in regular work, especiallyin salaried jobs with the public sector or the large private sector. Theconditions of work of not only the selfemployed Muslim workers but also theregular workers are precarious.

Given these conditions, the following initiativesseem desirable:

  • Provide financial and other support to initiatives built around occupations where Muslims are concentrated and that have growth potential. These initiatives can take the form of interventions where existing skills of the workers are combined with knowledge of modern management practices, new technology, and emerging market needs. The case of Maya Organic, discussed in Chapter 5 as a good example of such an intervention. Similar initiatives need State support but market orientation of such initiatives is critical for their success. In specific contexts the skilled persons benefiting by these interventions may consist of youth who have not had adequate schooling. In these situations the intervention may need to include some educational content, as an essential concomitant.
  • While initiatives of the kind discussed in the earlier point can also be undertaken in areas/clusters which have large concentrations of Muslim population, a few more cluster/area specific initiatives are desirable. Since skill up-gradation needs might be high in such clusters, location of ITIs, polytechnics and other institutions that provide skill training to nonmatriculates need to be located here. Availability of such institutions in the vicinity would not only help those sections of the workers who are involved in growth-oriented industries but also those who wish to move to new sectors through skill formation or up-gradation.
  • Given the precarious conditions of the self-employed persons in the informal sector, especially the home-based workers, it is desirable to have a mandated social security system for such workers. Casual workers in the informal sector should also be able to participate in such schemes. Since the State is already thinking of such a scheme, an early implementation would benefit a large section of the Muslim population along with helping the larger segment of the informal sector workforce.[6]
  • A more transparent recruitment system will help to build public confidence in the system. It is not being suggested that inclusion of minorities in selection committees will improve the chances that Muslims will get selected, it can surely improve the confidence of Muslim applicants during the selection process.
  • It is imperative to increase the employment share of Muslims particularly in contexts where there is a great deal of public dealing. Their public visibility will endow the larger Muslim community with a sense of confidence and involvement and help them in accessing these facilities in larger numbers and greater proportion. To achieve this, efforts should be made to increase the employment share of Muslims amongst the teaching community, health workers, police personnel, bank employees and so on. Employers should be encouraged to endorse their organizations as 'Equal Opportunity Institutions' so that applicants from all SRCs may apply. A time bound effort in this direction is desirable.
  • As our data shows when Muslims appear for the prescribed tests and interviews their success rate is appreciable. This applies both to the public and private sector jobs. Some simple measures like undertaking a visible recruitment process in areas and districts with high percentage of Muslims, job advertisements in Urdu and vernacular newspapers and other media, or simple messages like 'women, minority, and backward class candidates are encouraged to apply' may create an atmosphere of trust and confidence. Similarly, not as a measure to eliminate discrimination but as an initiative to build confidence, it may be useful to have at least one Muslim inspector/subinspector in the Muslim concentrated Thanas, Muslim health personnel in health units located in such areas, a few Muslim teachers in schools located in such areas and so on.

Provision Inadequate availability ofinfrastructure is one of the many problems that Muslims share with all poorespecially the disadvantaged SRCs in the country. While the number of serviceproviders from the non-governmental organizations is on the rise, publicprovision of infrastructure remains critical and desirable. Sensitivity to theissues of different SRCs is very important to the delivery of services such asprimary education, health, etc. Service providers face a number of difficultiesin reaching out to the Muslim community for various reasons, ranging from asheer lack of understanding of issues particular to the Community to lack ofMuslim presence in the organization and a sense of suspicion which the Communitymay have towards them. It is alleged that in many situations, the serviceproviders have inherent biases and show resistance to reach out to theCommunity. To correct this situation the following measures are suggested.

  • Sensitization of the service staff regarding issues of social exclusion has already been mentioned and can be quite useful in reducing these problems.
  • Credible NGOs, with necessary expertise, from the Muslim community are few and far between. But many face problems in getting their organizations registered. The registration of trusts set up by the Community, such as Wakf institutions and mosque committees should be facilitated. These institutions, being closer to the community can indeed play an important role as intermediaries between policy programmes announced by the government and their beneficiaries within the Muslim community. Besides, there is need to encourage the setting up of civil society organizations from amongst the Muslim community as well. But once again, the reach of such organizations is going to be very limited and the responsibility of the State in providing basic health and other infrastructure facilities remains the main hope of all poor, including Muslims.
  • Lack of access to crucial infrastructural facilities is another matter of concern for the Muslims. Access to schools, health care, sanitation facilities, potable water and means of daily transportation are some of the basic facilities one can expect a state to provide for its citizens. Differentials in accessibility of infrastructural facilities vis-a-vis other SRCs has been discussed in Chapter 9 which shows relatively low access to such facilities for Muslims across India except in the state of Kerala. As is the case for some of the issues discussed above, as far as infrastructural facilities go there seems to be not much of an argument in building a case for Muslims alone. Wherever these facilities are lacking they impact the entire people in that vicinity/region who are dependent upon it. For example if a Muslim concentration village does not have a school or a health care facility, then the other SRCs of that village are at an equal disadvantage as they too are bereft of this facility. The government would therefore be well advised that all villages/towns/habitations/ be provided with basic amenities, good quality government schools and health facilities, pucca approach roads, and general improvement in living conditions ( supply of electricity/housing/clean drinking water and sanitation). This is in the overall interest of India and not only of Muslims alone. Not providing these basic facilities is a violation of human rights.

Many of the measures suggested above would becomemore efficacious if there is community participation. In fact, partnershipsbetween the government, the community and the private sector maybe quite usefulto deal with problems faced by the Muslims . In this context, better utilizationof Wakf properties can provide partnership opportunities. Large number of Wakfproperties spread all over the country have been in a state of neglect. Theyhave often been exploited by unscrupulous persons. This has been possiblebecause the administration of Wakf properties has been slack. The report haspointed out the deficiencies and flaws in the management and suggested thenecessary legal and administrative steps to remedy them. These would merit theimmediate attention of the authorities so that better management of theproperties results in raising resources for a number of welfare activities, someof which can be undertaken in partnership with the government and the privatesector.

It is a matter of great satisfaction for thisCommittee that this report has addressed most of the problems that the Muslimcommunity has been facing. It has made comprehensive recommendations for settingthe Community on the road to progress. It is expected that the recommendationswill receive the attention of the Central and the state governments and will beimplemented with all the earnestness and the thoroughness that they deserve. Itis also expected that the Report would invoke a positive response from the CivilSociety , which will ensure that the policy measures introduced by the State inpursuance of these recommendations receive full support and active cooperationfrom all sections of the society, including the Muslim community. The issuesrelating to disparities across socio-religious communities are of utmostimportance to our nation today. If this Report contributes in any way inconstructively dealing with these issues and in facilitating a more informeddiscussion on them, the Committee’s efforts would be well rewarded.

Footnotes

1. A recent study shows thatdespite the presence of eligible persons in the villages in Gujarat that shestudied, there were no Muslim beneficiaries in the Self Help Group(SHG)programme and not a single Below Poverty Line (BPL) card was issued to them. SeeNikita Sud (2004) ‘There are no non-Gujaratis in this village’/ ‘We canrecognise a Waghri from his chaal’: Constructing and Contesting aGujarati-Hindu Identity. Paper prepared for the workshop on ‘Engagements withTradition in the Gujarati World’, School of Oriental and African Studies,London

2. One such experiment withcommunity participation is being successfully run in parts of Gujarat by theSociety for Promotion of Rational Thinking (SPRAT).

3. A very systematic effort ofthis kind has been done by Samaan and NGO based in Calcutta, for the State boardtext books (Class 7-10) in West Bengal.

4. See Sud (2004), for someinstances showing lower participation of Muslims in SHGs.

5. For example, quantitativetargets with respect to the minimum number of SHGs to be formed may be set forvillages with more than 50 % Muslim population. Given the dominance of Muslimsin the population, this will automatically enable the inclusion of Muslims intothe micro-credit movement. In villages where Muslims constitute 25-50 % of thepopulation, the intervention strategy should be based on assessments of thesocio-economic profile of Muslims. Multi-dimensional targets may have to be set,based on self-set targets to increase Muslim participation. In villages withless than 25 % Muslim population, Self Help Promotional Institutions to form,train, educate and motivate SHGs to establish credit linkages could be offeredfinancial incentives to increase Muslim participation. Since Muslims are mainlyconcentrated in the non-farm sector, activity specific schemes should beintroduced. Blocks/Clusters should be mapped according to artisanal activities.In order to face competition, intervention strategies should address theirproblems through training, skill up-gradation and marketing.

6. See, Social Security for theUnorganised Sector, National Commission of Enterprises in the UnorganisedSector, Government of India, New Delhi, May 2006.

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