When the Vaishali Lok Sabha by-election came up [in 1994], the Bhumihar don Chhotan Shukla campaigned for Lovely Anand”.
The Bhumihars and the Rajputs, political rivals in Bihar since the colonial days, came together in 1994 to contest the by-election for the Vaishali Lok Sabha seat. Lovely Anand, the wife of Anand Mohan Singh, had defeated the Janata Dal candidate, Kishori Sinha, wife of Satyendra Narayan Sinha (1917–2005). That was read by many as the beginning of Lalu’s end. Soon, Nitish Kumar parted ways with Lalu to form Samata Party. In 2015, Lovely Anand contested as a nominee of Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), a party founded by Jitan Ram Manjhi, former chief minister of Bihar), from Sheohar and lost. Manjhi, the Dalit leader, had announced that the new chief minister would not take an oath without releasing Anand Mohan Singh, who was serving life imprisonment for lynching a Dalit IAS officer, G Krishnaiah.
Brij Behari Prasad, who belonged to Adapur (Champaran), came from a backward caste. He was an engineer and is said to have been a close aide of a Bhumihar strongman and Congress leader of Muzaffarpur, Raghunath Pandey (1922-2002). Pandey helped him obtain contracts for government constructions. Pandey, a cinema and transport entrepreneur, lorded over Muzaffarpur in the 1970s and 1980s and became a minister in the Satyendra Narayan Sinha’s cabinet in the late 1980s. Later, Pandey and Prasad fell out with each other. Prasad became an MLA from Adapur (Champaran) in 1990 and was re-elected in 1995.
A quick reading of Bantay Bihar Ka Sakshi, Hindi memoir of Laliteshwar Prasad Shahi (1920-2018), reveals that he was elected as an MLA from Lalganj in 1980, and as an MP from Muzaffarpur in 1984, and subsequently became Union Minister of State for Human Resource Development. He, too, is a transport entrepreneur and runs ‘Shahi Tirupati’, just as Shukla’s ‘Jai Mata Di’ Travels. Raghunath Pandey’s transport empire endures as Amar Jyoti Travels and is run by his son, Amarnath Pandey. Shahi received the patronage of Digvijay Singh (descendent of Langat Singh, 1850-1912, founder of a college of modern education in Muzaffarpur) to outsmart his mentor in 1984, as detailed by Mark Tully in No Full Stops in India (1991).
Much later, this made me curious to know more about the sociology and political economy of the rise of gangsters in small towns since the 1970s. It was something I was not able to explore adequately while working on my book on Muzaffarpur. This curiosity and sense of inadequacy made me write some essays such as Underscoring Political-Criminal Nexus (Economic and Political Weekly, September 10, 2016), and, “Jamshedpur ‘Underworld’ and Changing Nature of Crime” (Mainstream, August 14, 2021). In this journey of exploration into Muzaffarpur gangsters, a six-part series (September 25-30, 2018) of a Hindi blog, Musafir, run by a Chandigarh-based journalist Kunal Varma, who comes from from Muzaffarpur, was very useful.
The bizarre politics of statues made me explore and learn a little bit more of our past. As a student of history, I often relate this gangster politics of statue in Lalganj (Vaishali) with a colonial monument in Patna, Golghar. In 1786, it was constructed as a granary to feed the hungry people during the famines. The tragedy: By an architectural error, this egg-shaped round-house has a gate which opens from inside. Thus, it cannot ever be filled brimming with grains. This has to be kept half-filled. “The Golghar’s inability to fulfill its ostensible mission of feeding the hungry in times of famine became a source of discussion for later colonizers,” writes Rebecca Brown in her 2005 essay on the monument. Bihar, sadly, continues to be India’s “Internal Colony”. This is how I look at the ironical histories of monuments and statues and the ability of a region or social group to negotiate with the power.