‘Monumen’tal Loss: What BSP Once Stood For

The other day, watching the song ‘Suno na Sang-e-Marmar’ from the 2014 film Youngistaan evoked a lot of memories. The song was shot at memorials constructed during the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) regime in Lucknow. While watching those memorials in the song, I got reminded of all the controversies and narratives that floated around when these memorials were being constructed. The murals and statues still exist, but the BSP, as analysts, opine, has lost its sheen.

Founded in 1984, the BSP was perceived as a symbol of Dalit emancipation, an assertion by the community. The actions of the party, when it assumed power, were also on similar lines. Monuments, statues and parks were constructed in memory of several Dalit icons. But these days, the party, which once boasted of MLAs in several states such as Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Punjab, Jammu & Kashmir, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, and Haryana, is now looking for ways of revival.

The BSP tasted power in 1993 as part of the coalition government led by Samajwadi Party (SP) supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav. However, the bonhomie did not last for long and Mayawati took oath as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1995. At that time, the BSP had 67 MLAs and a new experiment of rotational CM was introduced with the BJP. Since then, Mayawati has been the chief minister of UP four times. In Lucknow, it was always believed that the BSP is the only party that has a dedicated cadre, disciplined workers and the ability to transfer votes. The party’s fortunes were booming in political circles, but since 2007, the performance of BSP has been declining.

The BSP won one seat in 1991, six in 1996, four in 1998, 14 in 1999, 19 in 2004 and 20 in 2009. It was the best performance of the BSP. However, in the ensuing 2017 election, the BSP could not win any seats. In 2019, it again won 10 seats, but it contested this election with SP’s alliance. In UP Assembly, it had 13 MLAs in 1989, 12 in 1991, 67 in 1993 (with SP alliance), 63 in 1996, 98 in 2002, 206 in 2017 (absolute majority), 80 in 2012, 19 in 2017 and just one in 2022. It’s unbelievable considering the party won with full majority just 15 years ago.

Much has been written about the debacle and the slow and steady decline of the BSP. Long articles are being penned down to highlight the reasons for the defeat. However, two important questions need immediate attention—do Dalits no longer perceive the BSP as their party? The landmark memorials of Dalit icons spread across Lucknow and Gautam Buddh Nagar no longer have any emotional connect with the community?

The BSP workers now don’t fan out in the field. When they don’t tell the community about the history of their mahapurush, they become ignorant. The outcome is obvious. History is forgotten,” says BSP leader ML Tomar, the former MLC, who is currently the in-charge of Jharkhand. “A community that forgets its history slowly gets wiped out on its own. History inspires you and helps you assume power. That’s how you get to form the government,” he adds.

Tomar could be right. The organisational structure of the BSP is often shuffled. Some recent examples include the appointment of Vishwanath Pal as the state president of the BSP, just ahead of the local body election. Later, the zonal system was changed with two mandals coming under one zone. Earlier, there was one mandal per zone. Leaders like Munqad Ali and Shamshuddin Raeeni are regularly shifted.

“Behenji prepares the organisational structure, but the present leaders hardly visit the masses. They have reduced their visits among people. The message does not get disseminated to the ground level. This resulted in a debacle,” says Tomar.

During earlier campaigns, the BSP cadre maintained a proper register, from booth committees to the top level. The documents may be still there, but the present efforts are not yielding anything significant. The monuments, however, remind people of the glorious past of the BSP. The statues have been a visual metaphor. Their presence is an identity of assertion, an inspiration from the history. They also signify reclamation of heritage, which has been lost in oblivion due to negligence.

The previous BSP regimes undertook a large-scale construction of memorials, parks, and statues in the memory of Dalit icons. Statues of BSP founder Kanshi Ram and Mayawati were also erected. An incident involving vandalising of Mayawati’s statue was also reported. These memorials served as venues for celebrations on Dr Ambedkar’s birth anniversary and other important occasions. Lately, the events are being organised, but often on a low-scale.  During BSP’s regime, voters of the party in remotest areas would defend the construction of these monuments. The contrary narrative of over-expenditure was contested. The same tempo does not exist anymore. Even Mayawati had announced ahead of the 2017 polls that she will not construct any more memorials if she comes to power. Though she could not assume power after the construction of these memorials, it would be difficult to say that she would have fared better had she not constructed these monuments.

The statues of Dalit icons are still standing tall. But Dalit writer Kanwal Bharti beli­eves social reformers are now in oblivion. Hence, these statues, too, are being forgotten. “The situation has changed. Many stalwarts are now being sidelined. The BJP is getting the support of Dalits and OBCs,” says Bharti. To some extent, the logic is justified as BJP has easily won 63 of the 87 reserved Assembly seats in 2022.

Nizam Chaudhary, the West UP in-charge of Azad Samaj Party (ASP) says: “Earlier, the Dalit community would visit these memorials. But now they feel Mayawati has drifted away from the mission, they no longer see the point in visiting these memorials.” The ASP is headed by Chandra Shekhar Azad, who has now entered the political arena of Uttar Pradesh. Many vouch for him as an alternative in Dalit politics. But still, the road ahead is tough. Despite the debacle, Mayawati still is holding fast to the legacy. However, Nizam feels that the ASP will replace the BSP. “All the missionary work, which was earlier taken up by the BSP, is now being taken up by the ASP. Behenji is no longer confined to Bahujan Hitay. She is promoting nepotism. Many senior stalwarts have left the BSP. The missionary zeal is missing,” he says.

The visibility of symbols arises depending on the awakening among the community. UP is witnessing smaller parties drawing their support from their community. As the BSP has lost its grip over its core voters, the symbols and statues too have entered a stupor phase. Footfall may have decreased, but one can’t deny their presence and their iconic status. There is some sort of an emotional connect when the visitors say: “Ye Mayawati ne banvaya tha.”  Kajri Jain, in her piece ‘The Handbag that Exploded’ stresses the point—“whatever Mayawati’s fate, her monuments will have done their job: no one will ever again be able to ignore UP’s Dalits. From now on, they will always count.

(Views expressed are personal)
(This appeared in the print as ‘Monumen’tal Loss')

Faisal Fareed is a lucknow-based journalist who writes on political and social issues