Perhaps that will change later this year when some states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh go to the polls. Why is it vital for Congress president Rahul Gandhi that his party perform well in the months leading up to 2019?
The first advantage is the most obvious one. Being in power is what politics is about. The party can execute the specifics of its ideology and therefore set the agenda. For example the BJP could make beef and cattle slaughter a national issue for months by banning it in Haryana and Maharashtra.
The second advantage is that power at the level of corporation and state assembly gives politicians the agency to to serve their constituents. Most politicians begin and end their day with people pestering them for all sorts of things from electricity connections to admissions for their children. It is the party in power that can deliver this and not the opposition.
The third aspect is funding. This works in two ways. The reality is that leaders make and take money for their party, even when they may not be personally corrupt. There is an excellent anecdote about this by the late journalist Dhiren Bhagat in his book Contemporary Conservative, about VP Singh. Official funding from corporates also will flow towards the party in power for obvious reasons.
The fourth and related aspect is that of spending by candidates. Individuals who are contesting for parties which are usually in the opposition will not spend as much of their money on their campaign. This results in their not being as competitive.
The fifth aspect is that the party in power can control messaging. For example, through government spending on advertising. The largest advertiser in India is the Union government. Last year it spent Rs 1280 crore on advertising the prime minister and his schemes. To put the number in perspective, Hindustan Unilever, which sells everything from Axe deodorant to Lux soap to Taj Mahal tea spent Rs 900 crore. India’s telecom companies all put together spend less than the Union government. All state governments have publicity budgets that are used primarily for self-promotion. Arvind Kejriwal’s Delhi government spent Rs 526 crore on publicity in 2015.
The sixth aspect is that these large sums keep the media on the side of the ruling party. This is especially true for regional newspapers that have high dependence on government advertising. To give one example, Rajasthan Patrika, India’s seventh largest newspaper with a readership of over 1.5 crore, went to the Supreme Court because Vasundhara Raje’s government stopped giving it advertisements (presumably because of unfavourable coverage).
The seventh and last reason is the use of the machinery of the state. The Election Commission keeps watch over this to some extent, but that is only in the phase after elections are announced. For the rest of the 5 years, the party in power can use the police force, give positions to supporters and generally use and misuse the infrastructure of government.