Second To None

In course of numerous, stimulating conversations with Pamulaparthi VenkataNarasimha Rao - from the first, brief encounter in 1981 in Paris at a receptionhosted by Ambassador Maharaj Kumar Rasgotra for Prime Minister Indira Gandhi tothe last in Delhi two months ago - he was mostly measured in his utterances, butsometimes, delightfully expansive.

In May 1991, India was not only on the brink of bankruptcy, but with thecollapse of the Soviet Union, rather isolated, if not vulnerable to retaliationby a potentially vindictive United States. Yet, despite leading a minoritygovernment, he pulled off a most significant economic shift as well as anexternal affairs coup d’etat.

Indeed, the liberalisation was loaded with a foreign policy objective. Theopening up of the Indian market to trade and investment diluted the West’s,especially Washington’s, historical hostility towards New Delhi, as did thebold steps to establish diplomatic relations with Israel; while the "peace andtranquillity" treaty reduced the threat from China. To complete the circle, heextended economic diplomacy to the ASEAN.

If India is now one of the fastest growing economies and a likely permanentmember of the United Nations Security Council, much of the credit can beattributed to Narasimha Rao.

He was not one to trumpet his triumphs, but was reasonably satisfied with hisperformance. Yet, he was conscious of a gullible Sonia Gandhi constantlychipping away at his edifice. In a patently anti-party move, Arjun Singh andNarain Dutt Tiwari formed a splinter group with Sonia’s blessings to ensureCongress did not emerge as the largest single party in the 1996 GeneralElection, so as to deny Rao a second term.

Rao was convinced, if Sonia and company had not plotted to unseat him,Congress would have won another 40 seats and, thus, continued in office. Afterthe party fared miserably in the 1998 and 1999 elections, he remarked in a rareoutburst: "She will never become prime minister".

After his defeat, his 9 Motilal Nehru Marg residence, increasingly acquired adeserted look. The rats had abandoned ship. Rao withdrew into a shell,suspecting connivance to instigate charges of corruption against him, not tomention his conviction in the JMM case.

In a uncharacteristically candid chat - at The Washington Mayfair hotel inLondon - he feared the judge had been influenced by a Sonia loyalist, now acabinet minister. It was a scandalous verdict, not surprisingly struck down by ahigher court.

Back in Delhi, a maverick non-Congress MP and former minister urged Rao toexpose Sonia’s alleged complicity. Rao refused. Instead, he remained confidenthe would be declared innocent; and was, until a few years ago, hopeful ofresponding to demands from a section of the party to resume political activity.

In his first interview after the demolition of the Babri mosque - granted tome on CNN - he articulated before a global audience, directly from the lawns ofRace Course Road, that it would have been undemocratic to dismiss the UttarPradesh government (which his critics, on hindsight, felt he ought to have done)as it had given a undertaking to the Supreme Court that it would protect theshrine. Later, while agreeing that an air-dropped rapid action force might haveprevented the worst, he added this could have given rise to dangerous clasheswith state police, who were ordered not to deter the perpetrators.

In 1995, CNN International’s distribution in Asia was in smithereens aftera Chinese satellite, on which it had leased capacity, exploded on launch. Thenetwork desperately applied for a transponder on India’s INSAT-2B satellite -unimaginable, as only Indian government agencies enjoyed this privilege.Besides, given cross-party sensitivity about entry of overseas media into thecountry, it was political dynamite.

From Rathikant Basu, Director-General of Doordarshan, via Navin Chawla, JointSecretary, in the Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, and Bhaskar Ghose,Secretary in the same Ministry, the file had travelled to Amar Nath Varma,Principal Secretary to the PM. All were in favour. I also managed to enlist thesupport of Arjun Singh, who headed a Group of Ministers, which gave a go-aheadin principle. At the same time, I maintained a second channel directly with Rao.

Eventually, I was officially summoned by the demure old man! He was settledon a sofa at his South Block office, attired in a fine dhoti, a cream colouredsilk kurta and a matching raw silk waist-coat. "My mind is made up", hegravely and typically muttered, "but it will take a couple of months toimplement." He asked me to keep the decision to myself and only convey this toTed Turner, then owner of CNN, if I wanted to - which I did. But, amusingly, heasked me not to discuss it with his irksome Minister of Information &Broadcasting.

Predictably, from the loony Left to the rabid Right, there was much outrage.But leading figures in the CPI(M) and BJP assured me this would soon die down.It did.

Rao was a quintessential Congressman, shaken by Gandhi, stirred by Nehru,though he was mildly critical of the latter’s errors. He stuck to Indira outof gratitude - for he owed his career to her - while he silently suffered Rajiv.

He was a devout Hindu, but contemptuous of Bharatiya Janata Party’sjingoism. If one were to compare him to Atal Bihari Vajpayee, it may be best toillustrate that, while Rao relished Luis Bunuel in the original, the BJP leader’staste is Bollywood!

But there was a healthy, mutual respect between the two. Rao stressed it wasunfeasible to divert greater resources to development because he could notcompromise on defence and security. India, under Rao, was poised to test nucleardevices for a second time since 1974, which Vajpayee ultimately carried out.

If Nehru laid the foundations of democracy, science and technology, Raoprepared the ground for a potential economic miracle; and re-invented foreignrelations. He was second to none as a Prime Minister of India.