When A Leader Takes Off His Topi

In the Kashmir election, the topi (skull cap), rather than a flag, has become the emblem of the electoral battle this time. When a leader takes off his topi and holds it in his hands while seeking votes, it signals something extraordinary. This happened in Kashmir last week.

Omar Abdullah, scion of the Abdullah family and grandson of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, filed his nomination for the Ganderbal constituency on September 4. He then addressed his supporters, starting his speech in Urdu with, “I want to tell you one thing,” before switching to Kashmiri. “My turban, my honour,” Omar said, his voice cracking as he removed his topi, which featured Kashmiri craftsmanship. Holding it in both hands, he displayed it to the crowd. The gesture was met with an outpouring of emotion. Some supporters, in tears, vowed to lay down their lives for him. “Protect my turban,” Omar said, pausing for effect. “Protect my skull cap. Protect my dignity. Give me one chance.” Then, regaining his composure, he switched to Urdu and invoked God, telling voters that if they worked together, victory would be theirs.

A leader of Abdullah’s stature removing his topi to appeal for votes reflects the intense pressure of the current political climate. Despite Ganderbal being a historic stronghold of the Abdullah family, with Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Farooq Abdullah and Omar himself having contested from this seat, Omar appeared uncertain. A party worker says, “Our party and our leaders are facing attacks from all sides. The National Conference (NC) is in danger.” He was echoing the widespread sentiment within the NC.

On September 5, Omar travelled to Budgam to file his nomination for a second seat. He was accompanied by NC MP Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi. After the nomination, Mehdi addressed the crowd, predicting that Budgam would deliver more votes for Omar than Ganderbal. Omar and his son stood beside Mehdi. Omar was not wearing a topi in Budgam, however. Mehdi spoke about the challenges the NC is facing. He also declared that when the NC comes to power in J&K with Omar as the chief minister, the assembly would reject all decisions made after August 5, 2019, and that all detainees held in jails would be released.

While Omar remained calm in Budgam, his focus on dignity and the topi continued. “If they have taken away our jobs, we will restore them,” he said. “If they have removed our contractors, we will replace them. We will build new hospitals if they have taken over ours. If our children have suffered educationally, we will address it. But if our dignity is taken from us, nothing else will matter...Restoring our identity, which has been stripped away, must be our foremost priority.”

The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) says that this indicates Omar’s extreme vulnerability. “From vowing never to fight election in the Union Territory to filing papers from two constituencies. The NC, at the highest level, reiterating that there is going to be no alliance, then going for an alliance with the Congress, conceding even the seats it could have won; the NC has come across once again as a party with no ideological moorings and no political goals except securing the interests of the Abdullah family,” says PDP leader Naeem Akhtar.

Akhtar’s criticism apart, in this election, Omar seems jittery after the jailed mainstream leader Engineer Rashid, now a Member of Parliament and head of the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP), defeated him in the general election. In the parliamentary polls, Engineer Rashid got more votes than Omar and Sajad Lone combined.

With Engineer Rashid still in jail, his 23-year-old son Abrar Rashid is again spearheading a campaign across the Kashmir Valley. Despite rumours about Engineer Rashid’s potential release, he remains incarcerated. But discontent is growing within his camp, with many supporters feeling the party has lost its distinct identity. Some prominent figures in Engineer Rashid’s camp have left, claiming that the party is on the brink of becoming just another extension of the established legacy parties.

Engineer Rashid’s brother Khursheed Ahmad Sheikh is preparing to contest the Assembly elections following the Jammu and Kashmir government’s approval of his voluntary retirement. Sheikh described his decision to leave his government position as a significant sacrifice.

Within the NC, there is a belief that Rashid’s party has become a tool for New Delhi to undermine traditional parties, particularly the NC. Abrar Rashid defends his father by saying, “Even if my father remains in jail for another ten years, he will not compromise.”

Despite Engineer Rashid’s past success in defeating Omar from Baramulla constituency in the 2024 general election, the AIP seems to be struggling to generate the same level of emotional appeal this time. The AIP’s decision to include traditional leaders has not resonated as strongly with voters. The party has not even come up with a manifesto. “Our manifesto is written on Tihar jail’s wall,” responds the party spokesperson Inam-ul-Nabi.

The AIP has fielded Sheikh Ashiq, former president of the Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industries (KCCI), while the PDP has nominated Bashir Ahmad Mir. The NC is confident in its ability to confront the AIP’s and the PDP’s campaigns, but there is uncertainty about how Kashmiri voters will respond.

A shopkeeper from Ganderbal district summed up the situation, “This election is like the 1987 election. There is widespread participation, and for the past thirty years, traditional parties have primarily appealed to their core supporters. This time, ordinary people are casting their votes in large numbers, and no one can predict which way they will turn.” He added that this is the “1987 moment for all political parties”.

Entering the fray is Sarjan Barkati, a separatist known for his Azadi slogans. Despite his nomination for Zainapora in South Kashmir being rejected on August 28, Barkati is now challenging Omar in Ganderbal. Barkati’s daughter, 17-year-old Sugra Barkati, submitted nomination papers on behalf of her imprisoned father, appealing to people to vote for his release.

Known for shouting slogans in protest rallies across South Kashmir after Hizbul Mujahideen militant commander Burhan Wani’s killing, Barkati earned the nickname “freedom chacha” for his distinctive sloganeering. Barkati’s slogans were “Yeh pellet-bullet, na bhai na, Yeh PAVA, SHAVA na bhai na…PSA Sarkar na bhai na” (No more pellets-bullets/No to PAVA shells/No to PSA government).” They gained prominence during Barkati’s 2016 rallies across South Kashmir. Barkati was booked in 30 cases related to these rallies and arrested in October 2016 under the Public Safety Act (PSA). Although he was released two years later, he was re-arrested under the PSA. He was released in November 2022 and then arrested again in August 2023. Nearly three months after his arrest, Barkati’s wife, Shabroza Barkati, was also arrested in connection with the same case. This February, the State Investigation Agency (SIA) filed a chargesheet against Barkati, his wife, and Abdul Hamid Lone, alias Hamid Mawar, an active militant of Hizbul Mujahideen, on charges of unlawful activities and militant financing. The trial is yet to commence.

Before Barkati entered the electoral arena, his slogans had already made waves in mainstream politics. This year, both the PDP and the AIP leveraged these slogans against rival parties. The AIP adapted them to, “PDP-NC na bhai na,” while the PDP rephrased them as, “NC na bhai na, PSA na bhai na, PDP haan bhai haan.”

In the summer of 2024, Omar was defeated soundly by Engineer Rashid, a detainee in Tihar. Now, a new challenger from Kotbhalwal jail steps into the fray. The outcome of this election hangs in the balance and that’s why Omar has staked his topi in the contest.