The State, created by him as essentially non-sectarian and non-discriminatory, was, in his own words, "not mother to some and stepmother to others". He successfully combined a formidable army and imperial apparatus with an enlightened, benevolent, humanitarian State policy which on the one hand, secured the allegiance of the recalcitrant indigenous ruling class and on the other, won the heart and imagination of the people. The State came to rest firmly on the willing consent and the goodwill of the people. How else can be explained the continued allegiance to Mughal sovereignty by friends and foes alike, even when power and authority had been lost. Simultaneously, he accelerated the process of social and cultural integration which blossomed in the rich and variegated culture, known as Mughal but firmly rooted in the quintessentially pluralistic tradition of India.
It may be worthwhile to mention three basic principles around which Akbar's policies were conceived and implemented. Wahdat-ul-wujud (unity of existence) was the essential mystical framework within which peaceful co-existence of diverse ethnic and religious entities could be made possible. Sulh-i-kul, inadequately translated as 'absolute peace', as conceived by Akbar meant elimination of friction and creation of absolute harmony—between man and man, man and God, man and nature. It conceptualised the same harmony on earth that exists in the cosmic order. Interestingly, it is this cosmic harmony that was enjoined by Babar on Humayun in his allegedly spurious will. Aql (intelligence) and dalil (reason)—no other factors are as frequently and as forcefully stressed as the supremacy of aql over naql (copying) and dalil over taqlid (traditionalism). For seeking truth, what is emphasised is a blending of a mystical intuitive spiritually illuminated heart and the incisive claws of rationality.
Nothing comparable can be found in contemporary Europe. The wide gap between the European mind nurtured in the pervading environ of inquisition and burning of dissenters on the stake and the liberal humanitarian concepts of Akbar's India can be best illustrated by the total inability of the Jesuits to understand the mind and thoughts of Akbar. "Thus we find in the Prince", writes Du Jarric, "the common fault of the atheist who refuses to make reason subservient to faith, and accepting as true which his feeble mind is unable to fathom, is content to submit to his own imperfect judge-ment, matters transcending the highest limits of human understanding".
Today, in an atmosphere surcharged with conflict and confrontation, a comprehensive study of an Indian ruler aptly described by Abul Fazl as 'uniter of knots' and 'knitter of hearts' who made elimination of tension and creation of peace and harmony the legal, political, and moral obligation of the State, is most welcome. Akbar and His India largely comprises papers presented at an international seminar hosted by the Advanced Centre, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, in collaboration with the Indian Council of Historical Research as part of the celebrations on the 450th birth anniversary of Akbar. It was expected that a volume arising out of a seminar attended by leading experts from India and abroad would constitute a definitive work with a comprehensive coverage of the life and times of Akbar. It fails to do so.
A clear picture of Akbar's vision or his mental makeup or the determinants of his policies does not emerge. It also does not inform us what Akbar's or his India's image was within the country or abroad, especially in Iran, Ottoman Turkey or his own ancestral homeland. All except one article are from Indians, mostly those associated with the same alma mater. Some essays which deserve consideration. Athar Ali in The Perception of India in Akbar and Abul Fazl furnishes interesting evidence and arguments to counter those who question the existence of a distinct identity of India. Francoise 'Nalini' Delvoys' The Image of Akbar as a Patron of Music in Indo-Persian and Vernacular Literature gives valuable information on a subject usually neglected. But what is sorely missing is an informative essay on Akbar's image in regional Indian literature. The rest have little to commend, either in exploring new areas or in presenting new insights.
To the question, 'does this volume constitute a valuable addition to existing literature on Akbar?' the answer is 'no'. The fare is stale and fails to stimulate the intellectual palate. The disappointment arises more due to the high expectations associated with the editor and the publishers. Prof Irfan Habib and Oxford University Press carry the ISI mark of excellence; the product fails to measure up to the hallmark.
