International

Bangladesh: A Challenging Road Ahead

Renowned Bangladeshi economist and writer Anu Muhammad spoke to Snigdhendu Bhattacharya about the recent developments in the country, the hopes for a new Bangladesh and the challenges the future holds

Dhaka: A flag-seller stands on the periphery of a memorial site
Dhaka: A flag-seller stands on the periphery of a memorial site (PTI Photo)
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How would you describe the developments of the past one-and-a-half months?

After another farcical election on January 7, 2024 the government under Sheikh Hasina was very relaxed, over-confident and more tyrannical. They did not care about the social discontent over continuous price hike, high corruption affecting public lives, harassment, torture and rent-seeking by ruling party men and law enforcing agencies. There was a terrorising atmosphere everywhere, for writers, artists, journalists, workers, everybody. The government failed to notice rising anger among people against them. When the students from mostly lower-middle and middle-class families organised protests to demand quota reform, the government did not take it seriously. But people showed their support for the protests because they need jobs for their children.

The students’ demand was simple: to give preference to merit and not have discriminatory quota system in getting government jobs. The student movement on this issue began in 2018, when Sheikh Hasina showed her authoritarian annoyance toward the students’ demand by declaring the total removal of the quota, but that was not legally sustainable. Therefore, the court ordered the reinstatement of the old quota system in June 2024 that reserved 56 per cent of government jobs from the quota, and 44 per cent from merit.

After weeks of protests from June this year, then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina responded on July 14 with derogatory remarks, indicating the protesters. That made the protestors angrier. From July 15 on, the government started using ruling party thugs against them, and even female students were severely beaten. The protests further intensified, and again, the government started using its killing machine against students indiscriminately, which resulted in the death of many youths on the street as well as women and children inside their own homes. Nearly 300 (most of them young people), were killed between July 15 and July 24 by the police, armed thugs and other forces in association with the ruling party. And by August 4 another 200 people were killed according to conservative estimates. Serious injury affected more than 10,000 children and youths. We have not seen this level of brutality, this number of killings and this much bloodshed in the past except in the liberation war of 1971. This unprecedented killing and repression took the movement to a new level, and to demand the trial of the killers and the fall of the ‘‘killer regime’’.

We also see extraordinary resistance and creativity from the people. Anger, passion and sadness, mixed with determination among the youth, have led to a kind of movement we haven’t seen in decades. Failure to understand grievances of the youth along with an authoritarian attitude led the Hasina government to make one mistake after another. How intolerance, concentration of power and audacity can take a government to a disaster was shown in Bangladesh,

What is your impression of and expectations from the interim government?

It was formed after a huge student-led mass uprising, that is their strength, but that is also a big responsibility for them. The formation of the government was not predetermined, the members of the team are well known for their work. But it is difficult to foresee their ability to manage the situation that becomes so complex mostly because of long authoritarian rule, high corruption and a financial crisis. Also, it is a challenge for them to face other types of intolerant undemocratic forces.

What is the role of foreign powers (India, the US and China) during this period of turmoil and transition?

India had been the strongest ally of the past government. China was becoming a big financial partner as well. And the government was trying to fulfill the demands from the US State Department and business houses too. The Indian government was fully supportive of Hasina’s unprecedented autocratic rule. It was beneficial for the current government in India and corporate groups said to be close to the prime minister got special privileges. Hasina herself once said, ‘‘India will not forget what I gave them.’’ The US had to depend on India for the Bangladesh issue. The US and the European Union along with UN agencies repeatedly and publicly asked for free and fair elections, freedom of expression and the end of extrajudicial killings. Actually, these calls were the product of human rights activism at home and abroad. Sheikh Hasina responded by denying the problem and showed her anger by criticising them. But she was also was trying to strike a balance by giving more space to US corporates. We know that the US agenda has never been to bring democracy anywhere but to fulfill their strategic interest.

Now, the government of India is shocked, China seems indifferent and the US is trying to push its agenda further.

There are many apprehensions in different circles about the scope for Muslim fundamentalist forces to rise. What do you think? 

These forces have actually strengthened their organisational power and expanded their activities in the last decade. The government, on the one hand, showed zero tolerance to religious extremism, on the other hand patronised different Islamist groups for making them a support base to stay in power without credible election, and also fulfilled their unacceptable demands in the matter of textbooks and other areas. Now, they will try to use the vacuum to become more a powerful political force. The Hindu fundamentalists in India are a blessing for them. The attacks on minorities in India, border killings and communal rhetoric by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) members give strength to Muslim fundamentalists here.

Reports of intimidation of people, including journalists, approaching Bangabadhu's burnt residence on August 15 have triggered concerns about one authoritarianism replacing another.

I condemn this. I don’t want to see repressive activities again. Everybody should have the right to express their opinion, take action and organise themselves unless that causes harm to others.    

Bangladesh appears to be in a transformative phase. What is your vision of the new Bangladesh?

The fall of an oppressive, corrupt, illegitimate government due to a huge mass uprising led by the youth has created new hope and opportunity to make a democratic transition. The major aspiration that people cherish in general is that we don’t want to see a repetition of the past, we don’t want repressive, corrupt rule again. The Awami League, the BNP, the Jatiya Party and Jamaat have ruled this country and shown their faces. We need a new democratic secular Bangladesh. But I know that will not emerge automatically or smoothly. We have long struggles ahead.

(Anu Muhammad is a Bangladeshi economist, public intellectual, writer, editor and political activist)