***
Gun runner: Ajmal Kasab in custody
Embarrassed, Pranab stressed that Malik had made a "courtesy call" on the home minister and the Mumbai investigation wasn't discussed. He took the opportunity to reiterate that India hadn't received any official response from Pakistan. Days later, the NSA fired his salvo on the queries from Pakistan, stunning just about everyone. Soon, the air was rife with speculation that Narayanan and Chidambaram were working in league to clip Pranab's wings.
But such notions dissipated as soon as Chidambaram denied having received any official response from Pakistan on the Mumbai dossier. Really then, what's happening in Delhi?
Sources ascribe this drama to the tussle for oneupmanship following the wheeling in of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for heart surgery. The most senior among ministers, Pranab was expected to discharge the prime ministerial duties; he already heads the maximum number of groups of ministers on key issues. But the detractors ensured Pranab's Republic Day duties were shared with President Pratibha Patil and defence minister A.K. Antony.
Having divided Pranab's job, Sonia opted for the balancing act. It was she who ensured that Pranab was tasked with preparing the vote-on-account for the government in the forthcoming parliamentary session. Earlier, in the winter session of Parliament, Manmohan had informed Speaker Somnath Chatterjee that Chidambaram, though now the home minister, would reply to questions on financial matters. Apart from conveying to Pranab that she wasn't interested in marginalising him, Sonia's decision expressed faith in his ability to project more effectively the government's pro-people policies ahead of the general election.
This jockeying for eminence perhaps lay the basis for why the NSA contradicted Pranab. The question is: whose game could the NSA be playing? Widely believed to have fallen out of favour with Sonia, but surviving 26/11 courtesy Manmohan, sources believe Narayanan wanted to secure his future by aligning with Chidambaram. Manmohan's health, pundits say, is also the reason why Pranab and Chidambaram want to establish their pre-eminence in the months before the elections.
The competition between them is evident from other incidents as well. Weeks ago, Chidambaram said in an interview that India could snap diplomatic ties with Pakistan if it didn't take action against those responsible for the Mumbai attack. Then, Pranab had maintained a studied silence on the options New Delhi was contemplating to deal with Islamabad's intransigence. Again, it was Chidambaram who had volunteered to travel to Washington with the Mumbai dossier to engage with key members in Barack Obama's team even before he had taken oath as president. The proposed trip was subsequently called off. Sources say, Narayanan chose to rally behind Chidambaram—and consequently the interview countering Pranab's line.
There's yet another theory. Narayanan could have been attempting to lower the temperature in the subcontinent. The US may also find this prudent, particularly as the Obama administration wants to focus on the region. But then, couldn't he have taken Pranab into confidence?
But in this round Narayanan came off worse. He also had to issue a clarification on his shocking statement that Obama would be "barking up the wrong tree" if Kashmir is linked with US efforts to calm the turmoil on the Pak-Afghan border. Chidambaram's reiteration of Pranab's line (that no documents have been received) must have chastened Narayanan. He ought to be feeling lonely out there.
