Maybe not something quite as drastic but by now it is clear that with Sudarshan in charge, the RSS is all set to revive its anti-minority rhetoric. "So long as this does not affect the government, it is an internal matter of the BJP," says Yerran Naidu, the TDP's leader in Parliament. Ajit Panja of the Trinamul Congress feels different: "The RSS should mind its own business and not interfere in government activity." The other allies tend to agree. "The RSS' agenda is not part of the NDA agenda," says V. Gopalasamy alias Vaiko of the MDMK. "If the RSS interferes with our agenda, we'll handle it politically. Just as we were able to contain Gujarat."
But at that time, Prof Rajendra Singh was the sarsanghchalak. And, unlike his successor, Rajju Bhaiyya enjoyed a good rapport with the PM. So, when his allies told Vajpayee they couldn't bail the government out on the RSS issue, it was Rajju Bhaiyya who came to the PM's aid. He issued a statement (drafted, incidentally, by L.K. Advani) saying the RSS did not need government patronage to survive. But with Sudarshan in charge, it's unlikely that Vajpayee will be able to pull it off again.
In fact, instead of bailing him out, the new chief promises to be the main source of trouble for the prime minister. Take, for instance, his recent comment that Muslims were 'parakiya' (aliens). "I do not want to react to any specific individual," says Yerran Naidu, "but the TDP will not tolerate any statement that affects the country's secular fabric."
In fact, Trinamul chief Mamata Banerjee has often voiced her need to keep her secular credentials intact. On the Gujarat government issue, she made it clear that she'd have a problem supporting the RSS agenda. The DMK's Karunanidhi also expressed his concern at the RSS' strident tone. The only ally that has something reassuring to say is the Samata Party. "Why should we react to the RSS?" asked party president Jaya Jaitly. "He (Sudarshan) is the head of an organisation and is entitled to make any statement he likes. He is not troubling the NDA."
But what happens when these views become the collective demand of the RSS on the government? "We are not concerned with the mechanism," says a JD(u) leader. "But we are concerned about the pro-poor policies."
Those with a sense of irony will appreciate the fact that both the RSS and the allies have similar views on the government's economic programme. "Swadeshi economics is what we have been propagating for some time now," says Yadav. However, that is as far as the twain'll meet. The pressure is now on Vajpayee. After the Gujarat episode, it is clear to the BJP that the allies will not lend credibility to the RSS by implementing its hidden agenda. As an ally quipped, "The agenda is now in the BJP's court." But with Sudarshan expressing his views on everything from budgetary proposals to the Constitution, it does look as if some of his rhetoric might spill onto the NDA agenda.
