A tall and imposing stage, which resembles the iconic structure of the old Parliament building, is the venue for Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin to kick off the election campaign in Thiruvarur district. The very shape of the stage, along with the thundering slogans asserting that the DMK is committed to reclaiming pre-Modi India, is self-explanatory of the political campaign that the party is pursuing. About 5,000 people have assembled; their presence is marked by a sea of black and red flags—emblematic of the DMK—fluttering in the air. As Stalin enters, the stage comes alive with vibrant melodies of old Tamil films and songs advocating support for the DMK and voices promising to liberate India from the clutches of the Sangh Parivar.
Thiruvarur has a special place in the history of both modern and ancient Tamil Nadu. Apart from being one of the five capitals of the Chola dynasty, Thiruvarur is also the home town of both Stalin and his father and former chief minister M Karunanidhi. As ‘legacy’ plays a vital role in Tamil politics, the DMK has always been particular about invoking the collective memory of the people of their Dravidian culture. In his speech, Stalin reminds the people to uphold the values and ethos of the DMK.
In many ways, Tamil Nadu is a pioneering state in the country. It was the first state in India to have a regional party in power, way back in the 1967 assembly elections. It also set the stage for the evolution of the concept of social justice—Tamil Nadu was one of the first states that implemented reservation for the backward communities.
According to social researcher M S S Pandian, the first-ever Indian state not to have a Brahmin in the ministry was Madras State (now Tamil Nadu) under Chief Minister K Kamaraj in 1954. Karthick Ram Manoharan, a scholar of social science, says Tamil Nadu’s Dravidian politics is broadly based on four planks—political non-Brahminism, social justice, Tamil assertion and federalism. In an article in Frontline magazine, he observes that whether the DMK or its opponent the AIADMK is in power, they are compelled to acknowledge their commitment to these planks, albeit in differing intensity.
Changing Dimension
According to scholars, the DMK has departed from its historical hardline ideology, which was rooted in atheism and advocated an independent Tamil Nadu liberated from Brahmin dominance. Instead, the party has, over the years, begun to focus more on federalism, fostering a constructive relationship with the Union government, and prioritising the upliftment of the backward communities through welfare policies.
Under the leadership of M Karunanidhi, the DMK actively engaged in national politics and became an integral member of anti-Congress coalitions such as the United Front governments led by V P Singh, H D Deve Gowda, and I K Gujral. The appointment of Murasoli Maran as Union Minister in 1989 exemplified this heightened involvement.
Following the dissolution of the United Front experiment, the DMK began to moderate its historically anti-Brahmanical and anti-Hindutva political stance, and initiated collaborations with the BJP. This shift was evident when the DMK joined the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government in 1999, following Vajpayee’s re-election after the collapse of his previous 13-month tenure government due to the withdrawal of support by the AIADMK. Notably, DMK leader T R Baalu played a prominent role as a member of the Vajpayee cabinet during this period.
At the same time, for over two decades since the early 1990s, Tamil Nadu politics has been dominated by the bitter rivalry between the DMK and the AIADMK, which descended to the depths of animosity and retribution. During the era of contention between Karunanidhi and the AIADMK’s J Jayalalithaa, personal vendettas played a prominent role, often resulting in both leaders being incarcerated when the opposing party assumed power.
Jayalalithaa faced imprisonment in the colour TV scam of 1996, wherein she was accused of leveraging her position to procure colour televisions at inflated prices and receiving substantial kickbacks. Jayalalithaa, along with close aide V K Sasikala and seven others, were arrested and remanded to judicial custody in connection with this case. Subsequently, she was imprisoned after being convicted in a disproportionate assets case in 2014.
Karunanidhi, along with his nephew and Union Minister Murasoli Maran and Baalu, were arrested in the wee hours of June 30, 2001, during Jayalalithaa’s tenure as chief minister. The arrest was in connection with alleged corruption related to the construction of flyovers in Chennai.
The DMK has departed from its historical hardline ideology, which was rooted in atheism and advocated an independent Tamil Nadu liberated from Brahmin dominance.
The primary motivation for both the Dravidian parties to align with their ideological opponents, the BJP, was their deep-rooted rivalry. In 1999, Jayalalithaa withdrew her support to the NDA government because Vajpayee did not accede to her demand to dismiss the Karunanidhi government. Similarly, the DMK exited the NDA in 2004 due to the failure of the coalition to take action against the AIADMK, even though they projected that it was due to the communal character of the BJP.
After an era dominated by the DMK and the AIADMK, it is the DMK that managed to maintain stability—with Stalin, Karunanidhi’s son and the present chief minister, at the helm. The AIADMK, which could not foster a second-level leadership, has faced deep internal conflicts and saw a huge erosion of its ground support in the 2021 assembly elections.
Despite being a party rooted in the ethos of social justice, the DMK has not been able to free itself from dynastic politics. However, under Stalin’s leadership, the party has remained cohesive and continues to navigate the political landscape effectively. In contrast, the AIADMK has faced challenges in maintaining internal unity, particularly due to the infighting among its second-level leaders. This internal discord hindered the party’s ability to consolidate its position and maintain stability in the post-Jayalalithaa era.
Stalin, who is a former mayor of Chennai and a minister in his father’s government, gradually ascended to the leadership within the DMK. Along the journey, he has confronted challenges, including rebellion from his brother M K Alagiri and sustaining his relationship with nephew Dayanidhi Maran, a former Union minister. Despite internal tensions, Stalin has steadily consolidated his authority within the party. Concurrently, his half-sister Kanimozhi Karunanidhi has emerged as a prominent national figure, enhancing the party’s visibility and influence on the national stage.
By the 2016 assembly elections, Stalin successfully forged an alliance with the Congress and secured a significant victory. Building on this momentum, in 2019, with a clearer political strategy, he was able to establish the Progressive Secular Alliance, which included not only the Congress, but also the Communist parties and the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi led by Thol Thirumavalavan. This coalition proved to be effective, and Stalin managed to maintain its unity, leading to another impressive victory in the 2021 assembly elections.
Indeed, during his second tenure as chief minister, Stalin emerged as a prominent voice of opposition, voicing concerns about federal issues and challenging the authoritarian tendencies of the Modi government. He actively initiated cooperation with fellow non-BJP states, notably fostering a close relationship with the neighbouring Communist-ruled state of Kerala. He described this relationship as an “ideological brotherhood,” emphasising shared values and principles in their approach to governance and federal issues. This collaboration underscored Stalin’s commitment to fostering unity among opposition-led states and advocating their collective interests in the face of central government policies.
“You know how connected I am with you; after all, my name is Stalin,” he stated at the 23rd party congress of the CPI(M) in Kannur a couple of years ago, which received thunderous applause. He could take forward the cordial relationship with the Communist parties and the Congress, which are fighting tooth and nail in Kerala.
The DMK’s manifesto for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections promises several key amendments to the Constitution of India. These include accommodating relevant recommendations of expert committees on Centre-State relations to grant more autonomy to states; appointing Governors after duly consulting the Chief Ministers of states; abolishing Article 356; and, removing Article 361 from the Constitution of India.
Just as his father mentored him into politics, Stalin has also included his son, actor-turned-politician Udhayanidhi, into his cabinet. Over the past few years, Udhayanidhi has cultivated an image championing the Dravidian political ideology, despite facing his fair share of controversies. Perceived as the next-generation leader to carry forward the ‘legacy’ of the DMK, Udhayanidhi’s confrontational responses to the BJP have earned him a reputation as a charismatic figure. For instance, his statements such as, “We are not asking for their father’s money,” referring to the Centre’s denial of revenue share, garnered significant applause. His fearless criticism of the BJP’s Sanatana Dharma ideology has resonated on the ground, where the DMK envisions this election as an ideological battle against the BJP, despite the latter’s minimal presence in the state. It is ironic that a party that formerly advocated Tamil Nadu’s separate status now employs images of the old Parliament while championing the slogan of reclaiming India.
(This appeared in the print as 'Southern Samrat')
