This story was published as part of Outlook Magazine's 'Future Tense' issue, dated October 1, 2024. To read more stories from the Issue, click here.
For two centuries, the institution of the Mirwaiz, revered as the spiritual compass of Kashmiri Muslims, bore the onerous burden of guiding the region’s religious and social destiny. Much like his forefathers before him, 51-year-old Umar Farooq, the 14th in the line of Mirwaizes, is regarded as the fountainhead of religious wisdom and a leading moderate-leaning protagonist articulating for an independent Kashmir.
But since his release in September 2023 after a four-year spell in house arrest–a period which has witnessed two major elections, the Lok Sabha elections and state assembly polls, both held in 2024–the incumbent Mirwaiz appears to have given political involvement a relative backseat, instead spending considerable time guiding destinies of a different kind.
He now finds himself primarily officiating nikaahs for brides and grooms whose families see his presence as auspicious, even as Kashmir’s political and social landscape has dramatically shifted in the aftermath of the abrogation of Article 370. The move, which revoked the region's special status, bifurcated the former state into the union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, stripped it of autonomy and brought it under direct federal control.
Wearing his traditional black robe embroidered with gold, the Mirwaiz is traditionally showered with candies and flowers at nearly every nikaah–more than forty of which he is believed to have solemnised since his release from house arrest. At times, however, the Mirwaiz, visibly dismayed by the excess, admonishes wedding guests. “Don’t copy the Ambanis,” he cautioned at one particularly lavish affair in Srinagar, urging restraint in celebrations.
His words, irrespective of whether they are articulated at a wedding or on political platforms, are known to carry a quiet yet powerful weight.
Locked Out
Tucked away in Rajbagh, Srinagar’s centrally located upscale pocket, dust and cobwebs greet visitors at the central secretariat of the All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC). Once a bustling hub of Kashmir’s politics and the most likely place to meet the Mirwaiz, aside from his home in Srinagar’s Nigeen area, the closed, dark brown corrugated gate now sealed by the authorities, serves as a desolate backdrop to a temporary autorickshaw stand.
Above the gate, a signage tells the story. The property has been sealed by the National Investigation Agency (NIA), that is investing links between the Hurriyat and terror funding.
Farooq Ahmad Dar, who runs a general store nearby, recalls how Ali Mohammad, a Hurriyat employee who served both as a cook and watchman at the office, used to be a busy man all day when the Hurriyat’s operations were in full throttle. Dar remembers how Ali would tirelessly fetch milk, food and even tobacco pouches for a Hurriyat leader—who would puff a hookah all day when he was at the office.
Over the last few years, Dar has not heard of or seen Ali. “You know the situation,” says Dar obliquely, as he caters to his customers.
The last time the Hurriyat leaders met was in 2019, just before the abrogation.
Hurriyat in Disarray
Besides being Kashmir’s chief Muslim cleric, the current Mirwaiz is also chairman of APHC—a combine of 26 political and social organisations advocating a referendum in J&K. APHC was formed on March 9, 1993, to articulate the cause of Kashmir’s independence.
The APHC has traditionally advocated boycotting of elections in the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir, but this time round the Mirwaiz, while not explicitly issuing a call to boycott elections, has maintained that elections cannot be construed as a replacement of the process to resolve the Kashmir issue, which he insists has to be carried out through dialogue.
“…There has been a concerted effort to fragment the electoral landscape of the Kashmir region and consolidate it in the Jammu region. It is extremely unfortunate that knowing all this, regional electoral parties, groups and individual candidates fell for it…Hurriyat has always maintained that civic elections cannot be a means to conflict resolution,” the Mirwaiz told Outlook recently.
The BJP, is however, unwilling to buy into the spiritual leader’s drift.
“Molvi sahib (addressing Mirwaiz) should remember there have been no bombs, grenades, bullets and no threats since the abrogation of Article 370. People came out to vote in large numbers. He should know that people here now don’t want stone pelting or hartals (strikes). The people’s participation in the festival of democracy in huge numbers shows their faith in the mother of democracy,” claims BJP’s Altaf Thakur.
In 2017, a central government clampdown on the Hurriyat, led to the arrest of some of the organisation’s leaders for alleged terror funding. Many were detained under the draconian UAPA, with more arrests following the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019. The Mirwaiz was placed under house arrest on the eve of abrogation.
The government justified its actions as necessary for maintaining law and order in the Valley.
Life in House Arrest
Since his release last September, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq has taken cautious steps to stay politically relevant, though he claims he still lacks full “freedom.” The Mirwaiz insists that he is under strict surveillance and that he needs to seek permission to carry out most activities. Earlier this year, his visit to Delhi sparked political speculation. The Mirwaiz, however, maintained that his visit to the national capital was “personal” in nature.
An avid reader, the Mirwaiz, when in detention, spent time reading books, mostly on Sufism and maintaining a diary. Sources close to him suggest that he also read books, including the ‘Tafseer Quran’ (a commentary on the Quran) and biographies of several political and social leaders. In his spare time, he would also exercise to keep himself in shape. The Mirwaiz has a spacious library and a modern gymnasium at his Nigeen home. Close aides of the Mirwaiz say he has also compiled a memoir during his time in house arrest.
Out and About
Srinagar eagerly awaited the Mirwaiz's first public appearance in four years for Friday prayers at the Jamia Mosque last September. The community buzzed with anticipation, marking a significant moment after his prolonged absence due to house arrest. Aarbid Gagroo from downtown’s Kadi Kadal locality remembers people holding garlands waited in queues to welcome their “hero” near the capital’s grand mosque.
When the Mirwaiz stepped out of his blue Scorpio at Nowhatta’s Jamia Masjid that day, people crowded eagerly around him. Many sought to hug him, shake his hand or kiss him, but only a few managed to break through the security cordon. Gagroo recalls several getting injured in the scramble. Men like Gagroo act as private guards for the Mirwaiz, prepared to sacrifice their lives for him. As the janasheen of the Mirwaiz, they form a protective cordon during his sermons at Jamia Masjid and other shrines, ensuring his safety. Many families in downtown, including the Gagroos, also identify as Muhibaan-i-Mirwaiz, or the "Mirwaiz Lovers'.
Following his release, a rush of visitors filled Mirwaiz’s home for days. Some sacrificed sheep and held feasts in celebration, distributing drinks and tehri (yellow rice) as a sign of gratitude. His supporters clicked selfies with the Mirwaiz, proudly posting them on social media as their expression of joy at his release.
Gargoo too was beset with joy. "The Mirwaiz’s chair has always taught us about the rights of women and parents,” he says. “It was the Mirwaizeen who enlightened Kashmiri Muslims with the 'noor of education.’”
Where’s There’s Love, There’s Also Hate
Not every faction in Kashmiri polity resonates love of the Mirwaiz though. His moderate position, favouring the resolution of the Kashmir “issue” through peaceful negotiation, has its set of critics, like followers of Syed Ali Shah Geelani , a hardline Hurriyat leader.
“This is a testing time when most of our leadership are imprisoned. I understand you are not being allowed to do whatever you intend. But this is the time to show that we exist. Hurriyat is for azadi. That is it. Ye haq ki ladiyee hai, auer ispe koi compromise nahi (This is a battle about righteousness. There shouldn’t be any compromise in it),” says a follower of Geelani on the condition of anonymity.
While the Mirwaiz has never denounced militancy, he maintains a safe distance from militant groups. Once considered pro-Pakistan, the Mirwaiz’s Awami Action Committee (AAC) has preferred to remain non-committal on the issue of accession to Pakistan.
For a senior security officer in Kashmir, the Mirwaiz’s politics is “hard to digest” for hardliners, who believe Kashmir’s solution lies in the gun. “It is hard for him to give legitimacy to militancy, considering his father was killed (by militants’ bullets),” he says.
The Mirwaiz’s moderate position led to several senior Hurriyat leaders, namely Shabir Ahmad Shah (once touted as Kashmir’s "Nelson Mandela), Azam Inquillabi and Naeem Ahmad Khan disagreeing with the tone of his leadership. They accused the Mirwaiz of treating the Hurriyat as his “personal fiefdom", after the chief cleric wrote to the Hurriyat’s Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (POK) chapter to assert that “certain leaders” and their parties had ceased to be members of the Hurriyat, taking a shot at the rebel trio. Subsequently, the trio split from the Mirwaiz in 2014 and rebranded themselves as the “real Hurriyat". While Shah and Khan are currently incarcerated, Inquillabi is reportedly unwell.
The Mirwaiz Lineage
The Mirwaiz hails from a lineage of religious clerics in Kashmir, known for their role in advancing religious and social change within the community. As a child, he had a keen interest in computers and aspired to travel abroad in order to pursue a career as a software engineer. His fascination with technology was well-known among his peers at Burn Hall, a Christian missionary school in Srinagar. His ancestors are believed to hail from Srinagar’s Rajouri Kadal locality from south Kashmir’s Tral. Around two centuries ago, the first preacher of the Mirwaiz clan was Waiz Sidiqullah.
While successive Mirwaizes left their mark in the area of education and social reform, the chair was immersed in the hotbed of identity politics during the tenure of the incumbent Mirwaiz’s father Molvi Farooq, who was shot dead by militants, believed to be Hizbul Mujahideen commanders, in the 1990s when the dark clouds of conflict began to loom over the region. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, who was just 17 at the time, was anointed his successor.
Free Again
On that Friday in September 2023, when the Mirwaiz walked up the steps of the Jamia Masjid, after spending four years in house arrest, he paused at each step, taking deep breaths, tears trickling down his cheeks as the Jamia Masjid complex echoed with slogans of “Choice, choice! Mirwaiz,” “Haji haji Umar haji,” “Teri jaan meri jaan, Umar jaan Umar jaan.”
Caution was evident in the Mirwaiz’s address. He urged people, especially the youth, to curb their passions. From the pulpit of Jamia Masjid, he said he had “no personal ambitions” but only represented “people’s aspirations” in Kashmir.
Pragmatism and its Price
According to 82-year-old Ghulam Ahmed from Bohri Kadal, in a changed Kashmir, the Mirwaiz’s tactics are best suited for the present. “Without saying anything, he is saying everything,” says Ahmed, referring to the Mirwaiz’s Jamia Masjid speech. On polling day in Srinagar, which reported poor voting statistics in several pockets, Ahmed advised youngsters from a shop front to not harass anybody who has cast their ballot, mirroring the Mirwaiz’s line of thought.
“Give me one incident, when he (the Mirwaiz) has hurt any cop, done some wrong. He has never been a votary of violence,” asserts Ahmed, who is also shocked at his repeated stints in detention. “He is a hasti (dignitary). Do they even know his stature? Does it behove them to cage him? It means Qayamat (doomsday) for us?” he asks.
Fayaz Ahmad Hakak from Srinagar’s Kawdara believes the Mirwaiz’s stress on peace and dialogue has earned him enemies on both sides of the political spectrum, hinting that the spiritual leader is wading into "turbulent waters" by following a moderate path. He has formulated a theory borne out of his observations.
In May 2004, the Mirwaiz’s uncle Moulvi Mushtaq was shot in a Srinagar mosque and a month later, the Islamia School, built by the Mirwaizes, was burnt down. Mirwaiz’s close aide, Fazal Haq Qureshi, has also been left homebound after a fatal attack on him in 2009. These incidents, according to Hakak, were just warning shots fired by the “big boys” at the Mirwaiz for his insistence on dialogue to resolve the Kashmir “issue”.
For 19-year-old Arhan Bashir (name changed) from Nawakadal locality, Mirwaiz’s voice has “huge resonance”. "Achieving freedom is what even Gandhiji talked about. Mirwaiz saeb’s home confinement in itself is a slap on those who believe that he could vitiate the atmosphere,” says the teenager.
The Mirwaiz and matrimony
Back in 2002, a unique conundrum arose in Downtown. The Mirwaiz was due to be married. But the question was, who would solemnise the nikaah of Kashmir’s chief cleric? His wedding to Sheeba Masoodi, the American-born daughter of a notable Kashmiri doctor, was finally officiated by Syed Anzar Shah Kashmiri, the rector of Darul Aloom Deoband. The bride was chosen by the Mirwaiz’s elder sister. The day was marked by revelry, with the Mirwaiz’s supporters distributing sweets and holding prayers for the couple. Top chefs from Downtown prepared a lavish wazwaan at the Mirwaiz residence.
In 2017, when he welcomed a baby boy, his followers took to the streets again, distributing sweets, celebrating the arrival of a new heir to the Mirwaiz chair. He has two daughters, Maryam and Zainab, who study in an English medium school and a seven-year-old son, Ibrahim.
For supporters like Irfan Ahmed Bhat, the Mirwaiz is a scholar with a deep understanding of Kashmir and global affairs. “He is an alim (scholar),” Bhat says. Instead of pursuing his passion for software engineering, the Kashmir situation prompted the Mirwaiz to earn a doctorate from Kashmir University. His research focused on the political thought of Mir Sayyid Ali Hamdani, specifically his Persian text, Zakhiratul Malook. The 14th-century Sufi is credited as the founder of Islam in Kashmir. The Mirwaiz’s supporters view this research as a testament to his love for Kashmir and Islam. In October 2014, the Mirwaiz was also named one of "The 500 Most Influential Muslims" by the Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre in Jordan.
Low voter turnout
Curiously, the Mirwaiz’s decision to not issue a call to boycott the ongoing assembly polls has not exactly set EVM machines ringing in Srinagar.
On voting day, Srinagar's eight constituencies saw a turnout below 30 per cent. Mohammad Sidiq Akhoon from Srinagar’s Fateh Kadal area offers an explanation for the low turnout. Abstaining from voting can be interpreted as a democratic expression of anger, he suggests.
A shorter, edited version of this appeared in print
